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Kathryn Stewart Paul J. Gruenewald Robert Nash Parker 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》1992,8(4):375-394
Tougher sanctions for drunk driving have often been advocated as a means to reduce this problematic behavior. In a test of administrative per se laws as a specific deterrent, the impact of introducing such laws is evaluated by examining reconviction rates of offenders before and after implementation of the Jaw in three states (North Dakota, Louisiana, and Mississippi), with comparisons made to a fourth state during the same time period that did not implement an administrative per se law (California). Recidivism is analyzed using survival models. The results indicate that administrative per se laws reduce rates of reconviction in some situations but not in others. In particular, if implementation of the law is accompanied by changes in overall rates of license actions, the specific deterrent effects of the law may be outweighed by the increased efficiencies of this judicial process. 相似文献
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Sandra A. Graham-Bermann Kathryn H. Howell Laura E. Miller Jean Kwek Michelle M. Lilly 《Journal of family violence》2010,25(4):383-392
Despite research on the effects of intimate partner violence (IPV) on children, little is known about its impact on cognitive
development. In this study, 87 preschool-aged children and their mothers exposed to IPV within the last two years participated
in interviews to ascertain verbal ability, history of violence, and exposure to trauma. When compared to a national sample
of 1,700 same-age children not evaluated for exposure to traumatic events, children exposed to IPV scored significantly lower
on verbal ability, as assessed with standardized measures. In order to understand variation in verbal ability, multiple regression
models were tested. Both prior exposure to traumatic events and the level of mother’s education were significant predictors
of verbal ability. However, level of education mediated the relationship between traumatic events and the child’s verbal ability. 相似文献
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Kathryn P. Nelson 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(4):401-442
Abstract Shortfalls of low‐rent units are repeatedly cited as the rationale for programs to expand the supply of affordable housing. But the poverty‐level rents studied fall well below those of major supply programs. To reassess whether HOME and the low‐income housing tax credit (LIHTC) address actual shortfalls, this article compares numbers of units with renters by measuring both affordability and incomes with the median‐income‐based metric used for all federal rental programs. During the 1980s, there were growing surpluses of units affordable to renters with incomes between 50 and 80 percent of their area's median income, a “low‐income” range that includes most HOME and LIHTC rents. By contrast, shortages were severe and growing only at rents affordable to households with incomes below 30 percent of area median. Examination of these shortfalls and the problems they create implies that programs to expand supply are not widely needed. 相似文献
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