Peasant insurrection in China reconsidered: A preliminary examination of the Jun Mountain peasant rising,Nantong county, 1863

Focusing on a concrete historical example ‐ the Jun Mountain Peasant Rising, a small‐scale, mid‐nineteenth century insurgency in the Yangzi delta region ‐ this article re‐evaluates standard interpretations of peasant action and resistance in China. Although obscure and abortive, the Jun Mountain rising illuminates the developing role and interpenetration of ‘outsider’ communities, sectarian ideology/organisation, class formation, and long‐term trends in peasant culture in the emergence of an insurgent politics which at once built upon and transcended local ties. Preliminary examination of these politics thus contributes to current debate about the nature of Chinese peasant rebellions.     

Fortwirkung einer Zustimmungserkl?rung zu freiheitsbeschr?nkenden Ma?nahmen nach dem Verlust der Einsichts- und Urteilsf?higkeit?

Ist die Bewohnerin, die ihre Zustimmungserkl?rung gern § 3 Abs 2 HeimAufG schon vor vielen Jahren abgegeben hat, nicht mehr einsichts- und urteilsf?hig, dann muss die Angemessenheit der Freiheitsbeschr?nkung (hier: Hindern am Verlassen des Pflegebetts mittels Seitenteilen) nach den §§ 4 ff HeimAufG überprüft werden.     

Condictio causa data causa non secuta des trotz Zahlungsverbots leistenden Drittschuldners

Leistet der Drittschuldner trotz des mit einstweiliger Verfügung angeordneten Zahlungsverbots an den Gegner der gef?hrdeten Partei, so ist die Zahlung im Verh?ltnis zu diesem wirksam. Der Drittschuldner kann die Zahlung jedoch zurückfordern (§ 1435 ABGB analog), wenn er und der Gegner der gef?hrdeten Partei bei der Zahlung irrtümlich davon ausgegangen sind, nicht verbotswidrig zu handeln, weil das Verfügungs- und Zahlungsverbot nicht mehr bestehe.     

Somatic morbidity and criminality: the Northern Finland 1966 Birth Cohort Study

OBJECTIVE: The aim of this study was to investigate the association between adverse physical disorders and violent/non-violent criminal behaviour. DESIGN: The study material consisted of the large, prospectively followed, unselected and genetically homogeneous Northern Finland 1966 Birth Cohort, the Finnish Hospital Discharge Registers and the National Crime Register (n=10934). MAIN RESULTS: The results of the logistic regression analyses showed that male offenders had statistically significantly more injuries (adj. OR=1.81, 95% CI=1.51-2.17), when compared with males without a criminal history. Violent male offenders exhibited greater morbidity to the diseases of the respiratory system (adj. OR=1.64, 95% CI=1.03-2.60) when compared with non-violent criminals. Female offenders suffered more commonly from poisonings (adj. OR=3.84, 95% CI=1.69-8.72), injuries (adj. OR=2.79, 95% CI=1.67-4.66), infections (adj. OR=1.87, 95% CI=1.16-2.99) and indefinite symptoms (adj. OR=2.02, 95% CI=1.20-3.40) than non-offending females. CONCLUSIONS: At epidemiological level, criminal behaviour seems to be associated especially with an increased risk of injuries for both sexes. The observed increase of the diseases of the respiratory system among violent but not among non-violent males calls for further investigations.     

Do Politics in Europe Benefit from Politicising Corruption?

In this article, two unexplored trends in European electoral politics are highlighted. Using newly collected data the article tracks the politicisation of corruption in electoral campaigns from 1981 to 2011, an electoral strategy that has been increasing over time in most European countries. It then empirically tests two aspects of this campaign strategy. First, what are the factors that are systematically associated with a party’s decision to politicise corruption? Second, what are the electoral effects in terms of relative vote share for parties that politicise corruption? Using an original data-set that employs multi-level data (parties nested in countries) the results demonstrate first that politicisation of corruption occurs systematically more often among established parties from the main opposition, new parties and parties on the political right, and occurs as a function of country-level corruption, district magnitude and public party financing. Second, it is found that the main opposition and new parties that use such a campaign strategy make significant electoral gains relative to the previous election compared to parties that do not politicise corruption. Yet gains are offset in low-corruption countries. The findings demonstrate salient implications for research on party systems, corruption studies and democratic legitimacy, among other areas of investigation.