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Using data from a study on police officers’ encounters with domestic violence victims and a study on children experiencing domestic violence, this article examines how officers decide whether and how to communicate with children in emergency situations, and how children experience these encounters. Officers’ views on such communication diverge; usually, communication is motivated by the need to determine next actions. Children recall little communication and describe officers as faceless, nameless and genderless. The authors argue for recognizing the preventive role of officers on emergency calls. Official policies and guidelines should formally acknowledge and clarify the importance of communication with children. 相似文献
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Katja Wezel 《Nationalities Papers》2016,44(4):560-577
In the 25 years since the re-establishment of Baltic independence from the Soviet Union, there has been no conclusive public conversation, or “coming to terms with the past” with respect to crimes against Latvian and other persecuted groups under Communism. This paper examines how national politicians, members of the European Parliament in Brussels, representatives of Latvia's Russian-speaking minority, and the Russian government have engaged in a difficult, long-overdue conversation. Conflicting historical narratives about victimhood are at the heart of these disagreements. Special emphasis is given to Latvia's historical narrative, its development over the past 25 years, and the way it challenges Russia's interpretation of history. I argue that Latvian memory politics at the European level are a continuation of Latvia's quest for acknowledgment of its victimhood, thereby trying to finish the process started in the late 1980s when Balts first demanded acknowledgment of human rights violations they had suffered under the Soviet regime. Latvia's methods of transitional justice are examined, arguing that its memory politics at the European level are an extension of steps taken at the national level to come to terms with the past and to increase its negotiating power against Russia's neo-Soviet historical narrative. 相似文献
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Marjanovic D Pojskic N Davoren J Kovacevic L Durmic A Bakal N Drobnic K Primorac D Skaro V Bajrovic K Hadziselimovic R 《Journal of forensic sciences》2006,51(5):1219-1220
POPULATION: We have analyzed the distribution of allele frequencies at two short tandem repeats loci (D2S1338 and D19S433) in a multinational sample of Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) residents. A total of 110 unrelated male and female individuals (Caucasians) from different regions of B&H were sampled for the analysis. We ensured that the sample reflected approximate proportional participation of the three main ethnic groups in the population of B&H (Bosniacs-Muslim [45%], Serbs [34%], Croats [21%]). 相似文献
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In order to gain information regarding the ethnic origin of an unknown offender in a murder case it was necessary to sequence the HV1 and 2 regions of the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA). The only evidentiary material that could be linked to the suspect was DNA, extracted from spermatozoa after differential lysis. The observed mtDNA sequences were identical to the sequences of the victim. Therefore, we had to check if this was a coincidence or the result of a technical limitation of the testing procedure. Subsequently, we performed a systematic study. In cases with complete separation of sperm and female cells it wasn't possible to obtain a mtDNA sequence for the sperm fraction. This phenomena is based on the loss of the sperm's flagellum and mid-piece during the first lysis step and a concomitant loss of the sperm's mitochondria. In our murder case, a minor carry-over of female cells to the sperm fraction was responsible for the sequencing result. 相似文献
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Steffen Ganghof Sebastian Eppner Christian Stecker Katja Heeß Stefan Schukraft 《German politics》2013,22(4):541-561
A widespread view in political science is that minority cabinets govern more flexibly and inclusively, more in line with a median-oriented and 'consensual' vision of democracy. Yet there is only little empirical evidence for it. We study legislative coalition-building in the German state of North-Rhine-Westphalia, which was ruled by a minority government between 2010 and 2012. We compare the inclusiveness of legislative coalitions under minority and majority cabinets, based on 1028 laws passed in the 1985–2017 period, and analyze in detail the flexibility of legislative coalition formation under the minority government. Both quantitative analyses are complemented with brief case studies of specific legislation. We find, first, that the minority cabinet did not rule more inclusively. Second, the minority cabinet’s legislative flexibility was fairly limited; to the extent that it existed, it follows a pattern that cannot be explained on the basis of the standard spatial model with policy-seeking parties. 相似文献
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This article analyses changes in party-manifesto references to democracy in post-war Britain, the French Fifth Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany in order to explore changes in political parties' statements about democracy. It finds that in recent decades parties in all three countries have generally become more supportive of and more vocal in their calls for citizen participation in political decision-making, with a related increase in expressed support for direct democracy and other opportunities for participation. It also finds that left-wing parties have tended to be more enthusiastic than right-wing parties. The article suggests that changes are most likely parties' responses to wider shifts in societal values, and it concludes with a discussion of the significance of democracy-speak for both parties and citizens. 相似文献