全文获取类型
| 收费全文 | 28145篇 |
| 免费 | 318篇 |
专业分类
| 各国政治 | 1100篇 |
| 工人农民 | 1148篇 |
| 世界政治 | 1920篇 |
| 外交国际关系 | 1009篇 |
| 法律 | 18044篇 |
| 中国共产党 | 3篇 |
| 中国政治 | 179篇 |
| 政治理论 | 4901篇 |
| 综合类 | 159篇 |
出版年
| 2023年 | 137篇 |
| 2021年 | 150篇 |
| 2020年 | 562篇 |
| 2019年 | 606篇 |
| 2018年 | 759篇 |
| 2017年 | 816篇 |
| 2016年 | 866篇 |
| 2015年 | 711篇 |
| 2014年 | 758篇 |
| 2013年 | 2721篇 |
| 2012年 | 706篇 |
| 2011年 | 800篇 |
| 2010年 | 855篇 |
| 2009年 | 858篇 |
| 2008年 | 741篇 |
| 2007年 | 722篇 |
| 2006年 | 818篇 |
| 2005年 | 649篇 |
| 2004年 | 652篇 |
| 2003年 | 575篇 |
| 2002年 | 596篇 |
| 2001年 | 998篇 |
| 2000年 | 877篇 |
| 1999年 | 720篇 |
| 1998年 | 381篇 |
| 1997年 | 301篇 |
| 1996年 | 299篇 |
| 1995年 | 324篇 |
| 1994年 | 307篇 |
| 1993年 | 297篇 |
| 1992年 | 491篇 |
| 1991年 | 508篇 |
| 1990年 | 488篇 |
| 1989年 | 480篇 |
| 1988年 | 488篇 |
| 1987年 | 418篇 |
| 1986年 | 489篇 |
| 1985年 | 496篇 |
| 1984年 | 434篇 |
| 1983年 | 380篇 |
| 1982年 | 294篇 |
| 1981年 | 263篇 |
| 1980年 | 246篇 |
| 1979年 | 341篇 |
| 1978年 | 194篇 |
| 1977年 | 165篇 |
| 1976年 | 138篇 |
| 1975年 | 160篇 |
| 1974年 | 189篇 |
| 1973年 | 138篇 |
排序方式： 共有10000条查询结果，搜索用时 0 毫秒
861.
While the financial crisis of 2008 ultimately affected the range of U.S. financial institutions, it began with practices in home ownership finance. The Federal Home Loan Bank (FHLBank) System was the first instrumentality created by the U.S. government, in 1932, to sustain affordable home ownership finance. In this article, the authors ask what role, if any, the FHLBanks played in the subprime lending and securitization practices that precipitated the current crisis. The authors analyze publicly available FHLBank financial data in terms of a framework focused on the System's assets: advances; mortgage loans acquired from members; and investments, particularly in mortgage-backed-securities. They conclude that the FHLBanks did not contribute significantly to problematic practices. Nonetheless, they recommend consideration of three reforms to the FHLBanks to ensure a return to effective regulation and responsible, affordable home ownership finance. 相似文献
862.
Neal D. Woods 《Public administration review》2009,69(3):518-530
This study documents state implementation of mechanisms designed to promote public participation in agency rulemaking. Many scholars have questioned the effectiveness of such mechanisms, arguing that they fail to encourage greater participation or that increased participation does not affect the substance of administrative rules. Using data from a unique survey of state administrators, the author employs multivariate analyses to assess the relationship between these measures and the perceived influence of external actors. The results suggest that critics may understate the importance of public notification and access procedures. These devices are associated with increases in the impact that a wide variety of actors are perceived to have on the content of agency rules. 相似文献
863.
William F. West Eric Lindquist Katrina N. Mosher-Howe 《Public administration review》2009,69(3):435-447
The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration instituted a Planning, Programming, Budgeting, and Execution System (PPBES) in 2002. As supplemented by matrix management, PPBES was appealing as an effort to rationalize the performance of an agency with an especially high degree of functional overlap among its component parts. Although PPBES has had some salutary effects, the agency's experience to date consistent with accounts of the difficulties that led to the abandonment of program budgeting by the civilian bureaucracy almost 40 years ago. As such, it speaks to the limits of performance assessment as a means of reallocating resources and responsibilities across organizational boundaries. 相似文献
864.
865.
Nicolas M. Dahan 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2009,9(2):111-123
- In this paper, I propose a new integrated framework which may be used to conduct a thorough analysis of a firm's political environment. The four steps of the methodology include the problem (how a political problem emerges and can be shaped by actors), the procedure (the public decision‐making procedure), the policies (relevant public policies currently implemented) and the players (including policy‐makers as well as participants in the political debate). Together, they form what I call the ‘Four Ps of corporate political activity’.
- This framework can serve not only for environmental analysis and monitoring, but also to improve the effectiveness of a firm's attempts in the field of political influence, through actions such as arena selection, issue framing, the use of procedural opportunities, proactive negotiation of a compromise or gate‐keeping the political arena.
866.
Christopher A. Cooper H. Gibbs Knotts Kathleen M. Brennan 《Public administration review》2008,68(3):459-468
Many scholars argue that citizens with higher levels of political trust are more likely to grant bureaucratic discretion to public administrators than citizens with lower levels of trust. Trust, therefore, can relieve the tension between managerial flexibility and political accountability in the modern administrative state. Unfortunately, there is little empirical evidence showing that trust is actually associated with citizens' willingness to cede policy-making power to government. This article tests theories about political trust and citizen competence using the case of zoning. Trust in local government is found to be an important predictor of support for zoning, but trust in state government and trust in national government have no effect. These findings suggest that trust affects policy choice and helps determine how much power citizens grant to local administrators. 相似文献
867.
In this article, we describe the background and issues to be addressed related to dependent children in juvenile court. In an important effort to systematically examine developmental functioning and treatment needs in maltreated and violence‐exposed young children, the Prevention and Evaluation of Early Neglect and Trauma (PREVENT) initiative of the Dependency Court Intervention Program for Family Violence, a national demonstration project in the Miami‐Dade Juvenile Court, developed a program to evaluate all infants, toddlers, and preschoolers who are adjudicated dependent by the court. The goal of the intervention is to raise awareness of the needs of infants and toddlers in juvenile court and to work toward healing the child. The PREVENT program involved the evolution of a judicial‐mental health partnership designed to assist the court in making more informed decisions about the best interest of the child by adding scientific knowledge about development, prevention, intervention, evaluation, and treatment. The outcome of the partnership and multidisciplinary approach is illustrated through presenting a case vignette of a mother and baby showing the challenges and strengths of intervention. Finally, we consider overall outcomes of the intervention and directions for the future. 相似文献
868.
We present strong evidence that governing coalitions in Italy exercise significant negative agenda powers. First, governing parties have a roll rate that is nearly 0, and their roll rate is lower than opposition parties' roll rates, which average about 20% on all final‐passage votes. Second, after one controls for distance from the floor median, opposition parties have higher roll rates than government parties. These results strongly suggest that governing parties in Italy are able to control the legislative agenda to their benefit. We also document significantly higher opposition roll rates on decree‐conversion bills and budget bills than on ordinary bills—results consistent with our theoretical analysis of the differing procedures used in each case. 相似文献
869.
PHILIP D. HABEL 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2008,33(3):471-494
Although electoral institutions have been shown to have a variety of effects, scholars have not investigated if certain voting rules enable politicians to enjoy longer legislative careers. I took advantage of a natural experiment—a sudden transition from a semiproportional voting rule to single‐member districts with plurality voting (SMDP)—to measure the effect of electoral institutions on careerism. My analysis revealed that voting rules have a profound influence on the dynamics of legislative careers: politicians elected under SMDP are far less likely to suffer electoral defeat or to retire than those elected via cumulative voting. The findings of this study not only provide additional insight into the seat safety of politicians elected in first‐past‐the‐post systems, but moreover offer new criteria by which to evaluate the choice of electoral institutions. 相似文献
870.
Recent empirical studies of lawmaking activity by legislatures rely heavily on roll call based measures and assume that roll call activity reflects lawmaking activity. We question this assumption for the case of the U.S. Congress. We examine several plausible sources of dissonance between the set of enacted public statutes and the universe of recorded votes in the U.S. Congress, using a comprehensive dataset of public enactments and roll call activity between 1891 and 1994. Because only 11.9% of the bills signed into law receive a recorded vote in the House, only 7.9% receive a recorded vote in the Senate, and only 5.5% receive a recorded vote in both the House and Senate, we provide guidance as to when studying voting behavior is likely a reasonable proxy for lawmaking behavior. There are sometimes important differences between the laws that do and do not receive a roll call that researchers should account for when using roll calls to study lawmaking in the U.S. Congress. 相似文献