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Deliberative Democracy and the Politics of Recognition 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Cillian McBride 《Political studies》2005,53(3):497-515
It is commonly supposed that deliberative democracy and the politics of recognition are natural allies, as both demand a more inclusive politics. It is argued here that this impression is misleading and that the politics of recognition harbours significant anti-deliberative tendencies. Deliberative politics requires a public sphere which is maximally inclusive of diverse beliefs and perspectives, including those which dissent from orthodox understandings of group indentities. By contrast, the politics of recognition typically seeks to insulate such identities from challenge, both from within and without. Devices such as special group representation, while apparently inclusive, risk incentivising an anti-deliberative culture of deference to identity claims. An alternative model of inclusive politics, which involves a more contestatory political culture and a multiplication of deliberative opportunities, is sketched. 相似文献
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Murry VM Berkel C Chen YF Brody GH Gibbons FX Gerrard M 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2011,40(9):1147-1163
AIDS is the leading killer of African Americans between the ages of 25 and 44, many of whom became infected when they were
teenagers or young adults. The disparity in HIV infection rate among African Americans youth residing in rural Southern regions
of the United States suggests that there is an urgent need to identify ways to promote early preventive intervention to reduce
HIV-related risk behavior. The Strong African American Families (SAAF) program, a preventive intervention for rural African
American parents and their 11-year-olds, was specially designed to deter early sexual onset and the initiation and escalation
of alcohol and drug use among rural African American preadolescents. A clustered-randomized prevention trial was conducted,
contrasting families who took part in SAAF with control families. The trial, which included 332 families, indicated that intervention-induced
changes occurred in intervention-targeted parenting, which in turn facilitated changes in youths’ internal protective processes
and positive sexual norms. Long-term follow up assessments when youth were 17 years old revealed that intervention-induced
changes in parenting practices mediated the effect of intervention-group influences on changes in the onset and escalation
of risky sexual behaviors over 65 months through its positive influence on adolescents’ self-pride and their sexual norms.
The findings underscore the powerful effects of parenting practices among rural African American families that over time serve
a protective role in reducing youth’s risk behavior, including HIV vulnerable behaviors. 相似文献
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Debbie McBride 《Contemporary Justice Review》2013,16(3):359-364
Given the current constellation of fiscal, moral, and logistical problems facing its corrections industry, the USA is on the cusp of a widespread penal reform movement. For the past 200-plus years, each US penal reform that intended to diminish penal practices resulted in widening the reach and deepening the roots of the nation’s punishment system. The question asked here is: is the restorative justice movement in the USA headed the way of past benevolent penal reforms? A new type of social movement: the regressive social movement model is presented. Three past benevolent penal reforms – the penitentiary, the adult reformatory movement, and parole are dissected in order to formulate a regressive reform profile and tested against the restorative justice movement. Field research finds that a repeat performance of regressive reform is in progress. In each of the eight restorative justice movement, variables demonstrate characteristics evident in past benevolent penal campaigns, resulting in a redirection of the campaign’s course. 相似文献
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Megan K. McBride 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(4):560-581
Drawing from the work of political theorists, theologians, anthropologists, journalists, philosophers, and contemporary psychologists studying Terror Management Theory (TMT), it becomes possible to see that the concepts of existentialism and ideology may be useful for modern thinkers attempting to understand a problem such as terrorism. Integrating work from these fields makes it possible to see that terrorism may be driven by an existential-terroristic feedback loop: a cycle in which people support or engage in terrorism to alleviate existential anxiety but ultimately find this anxiety exacerbated in the wake of the violence they create or sanction. The loop is closed when this exacerbated anxiety compels them to reaffirm their support of, or participation in, terrorist violence. If this model is valid, then effectively addressing the problem of terrorism requires joining existing U.S. policies with policies that address ideologies. Specifically, policies must aspire to a) mitigate existential anxiety, b) provide a compelling counter-narrative, c) address environmental factors conducive to radicalization, d) prevent the formation of radicalized groups, and e) deradicalize existing ideologues. 相似文献
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Mark McBride 《International Journal for the Semiotics of Law》2017,30(4):625-636
This paper lies at the intersection of law and logic. Logical analysis is employed to attempt to make headway in what has proven to be an intractable interpretive debate over a defence provision of the Indian Penal Code. 相似文献
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This paper examines the growing recognition of the phenomenon called “Big Data” and the policy implications it poses. It is argued that a core policy issue is personal and organizational privacy. At the same time there is a belief that analysis of “Big Data” offers potentially to provide public sector policy makers with extensive new information that would inform policy at unprecedentedly detailed levels. Despite this potential to improve the policy‐making process data often contain individual identifiable information that would negatively impact American core values such as privacy. This makes the use of these data almost impossible. The paper recognizes that there may be a way to strip individual data from Big Data sets thereby making their analysis more policy useful. This approach is not at this time technically feasible but research is ongoing. 相似文献
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