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251.
Keith Bassett 《Space and Polity》2016,20(3):280-293
This paper takes a critical view of Rancière’s ideas on politics, subjectivity, and space by building on the criticisms offered by Alain Badiou in a series of critical exchanges between the two authors. The first part of the paper reviews the main points of difference between them, which centre around their different interpretations of what constitutes a political event, subjectivity, and the nature of radical politics. Later sections then develop these differences with respect to further issues concerning the nature of political spaces, the pre-evental, and political organization. 相似文献
252.
Keith Dowding 《Political studies》2001,49(1):89-105
'Keith Dowding's critique of the network approach ≡ might yet turn out to be a watershed finally marking the intellectual fatigue of policy community and network analysis in Britain.' (Richardson 1999, pp. 198–9) 相似文献
253.
Do Networks Really Work? A Framework for Evaluating Public‐Sector Organizational Networks 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
Although cooperative, interorganizational networks have become a common mechanism for delivery of public services, evaluating their effectiveness is extremely complex and has generally been neglected. To help resolve this problem, we discuss the evaluation of networks of community-based, mostly publicly funded health, human service, and public welfare organizations. Consistent with pressures to perform effectively from a broad range of key stakeholders, we argue that networks must be evaluated at three levels of analysis: community, network, and organization/participant levels. While the three levels are related, each has its own set of effectiveness criteria that must be considered. The article offers a general discussion of network effectiveness, followed by arguments explaining effectiveness criteria and stakeholders at each level of analysis. Finally, the article examines how effectiveness at one level of network analysis may or may not match effectiveness criteria at another level and the extent to which integration across levels may be possible. 相似文献
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257.
Keith Neilson 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2001,12(2):197-208
Michael Jabara Carley, 1939. The Alliance That Never Was and the Coming of World War II (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1999), pp.xxv + 321. ISBN 1-56663-252-8.
Patrick R. Osborn, Operation Pike. Britain Versus the Soviet Union, 1939-1941 (Westport, CT and London, 2000), pp.xiii + 274. ISBN 0-313-31368-7
Gabriel Gorodetsky, Grand Delusion. Stalin and the German Invasion of Russia (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1999), pp.xvi + 408. ISBN 0-300-07792-0. 相似文献
Patrick R. Osborn, Operation Pike. Britain Versus the Soviet Union, 1939-1941 (Westport, CT and London, 2000), pp.xiii + 274. ISBN 0-313-31368-7
Gabriel Gorodetsky, Grand Delusion. Stalin and the German Invasion of Russia (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1999), pp.xvi + 408. ISBN 0-300-07792-0. 相似文献
258.
The article presents a modified Hirschman framework with three types of exit: moving location; moving from the public to a private sector provider; and moving between public sector providers; and three types of voice: private voice (complaining about private goods); voting; and collective action. Seven hypotheses are generated from this framework. The article then presents evidence from the first round of an online survey examining citizen satisfaction with public services and the relationship between exit and voice opportunities. We find dissatisfied people are more likely to complain privately, vote and engage in other forms of collective participation; but only a weak relationship exists between dissatisfaction and geographical exit. We find some evidence that the exit–voice trade-off might exist as more alert consumers are more likely to move from the public to the private sector and those 'locked in' are more likely to complain than those who have outside options. Overall the results tend to corroborate the hypotheses drawn from the modified Hirschman framework. 相似文献
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260.
Nolan McCarty Keith T. Poole Howard Rosenthal 《American journal of political science》2009,53(3):666-680
Both pundits and scholars have blamed increasing levels of partisan conflict and polarization in Congress on the effects of partisan gerrymandering. We assess whether there is a strong causal relationship between congressional districting and polarization. We find very little evidence for such a link. First, we show that congressional polarization is primarily a function of the differences in how Democrats and Republicans represent the same districts rather than a function of which districts each party represents or the distribution of constituency preferences. Second, we conduct simulations to gauge the level of polarization under various "neutral" districting procedures. We find that the actual levels of polarization are not much higher than those produced by the simulations. We do find that gerrymandering has increased the Republican seat share in the House; however, this increase is not an important source of polarization. 相似文献