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排序方式: 共有482条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
51.
52.
Appraisals of medical technologies undertaken by the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE) have significant implications for the setting of priorities for health care expenditure in the NHS in England and Wales. NICE has been characterised as a deliberative body, an evaluation which reflects the recent attention paid by those working within the health policy community to the establishment of mechanisms which deliver procedural justice, in the absence of societal consensus upon the substantive values which should underpin distributive choices in health care. This article critically interrogates the assessment of NICE as deliberative in character. It also considers the relationship between legitimacy and deliberation in this policy context, in light of the claim that 'thickening proceduralisation' by establishing and enhancing deliberative structures and processes is a useful strategy for addressing regulatory problems.  相似文献   
53.
54.
Assessing law enforcement preparedness to address Internet fraud   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Recent societal concern regarding computer crime was well documented in the research literature. To date, however, modest research addressed how large, local police and sheriff's departments confront Internet fraud. Using data collected from surveys distributed to the seven hundred largest police- and sheriff's departments, the present article addresses law enforcement: (1) preparedness to enforce Internet fraud crimes; (2) perceptions of Internet fraud; (3) cooperative policing efforts; and (4) Internet fraud information dissemination practices. Among other things, results suggested that individuals within these departments believed Internet fraud was problematic, although they lacked the resources to properly address the problem. These results are discussed as they relate to the organizational design of law enforcement agencies and their potential to adapt to innovative crimes. Suggestions are offered for a more effective approach to confronting Internet fraud.  相似文献   
55.
Book reviews     
M.B. Hayne, The French Foreign Office and the Origins of the First World War 1898-1914 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993) £35. ISBN 019-820270-9.

Keith Hamilton, Bertie of Thame: Edwardian Ambassador (Woodbridge/Suffolk: Boydell Press 1990 (= Royal Historical Society Studies in History, No. 60)), ix + 436 pp. ISBN 0-86193-217X. £35.

Anita Inder Singh, The Limits of British Influence: South Asia and the Anglo-American Relationship, 1947-56 (Pinter, 1993) pp. 309. £45.

Robert H. Ferrell (ed.), Truman in the White House: The Diary of Eben A. Ayers (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1991) $37.50. ISBN 0-8262-0790-1.

Robert Pearce (ed.), Patrick Gordon Walker: Political Diaries 1932-1971 (London: The Historians Press, 1991) £20. ISBN 1-872273-05 X.

Richard J. Aldrich (ed.), British Strategy and the Cold War, 1945-51 (London: Routledge, 1992) £40. ISBN 0-415-07851-2.

Timothy Garton Ash, In Europe's Name. Germany and the Divided Continent (London: Jonathan Cape, 1993) £25. ISBN 0-224-02054-4.  相似文献   
56.
Book reviews     
Ephraim Maisel, The Foreign Office and Foreign Policy 1991-1926 (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press 1994), £35. ISBN 1-898723-04-4.

Timothy P. Maga, The World of Jimmy Carter: U.S. Foreign Policy 1977-1981 (West Haven, CT: University of New Haven Press, 1994). 189 pp. ISBN 0-936385-23-0.

Michael Leifer, Dictionary of the Modern Politics of South-East Asia (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), xii + 271pp. £45. ISBN 0-415-04219-4.

Christopher C. Harmon and David Tucker (eds.), Statecraft and Power: Essays in Honor of Harold W. Rood (Lanham and London: University Press of America with the National Institute for Public Policy, 1994), 284pp ISBN 0-8191-8718-6.  相似文献   
57.
Aldrich‐McKelvey scaling is a powerful method that corrects for differential‐item functioning (DIF) in estimating the positions of political stimuli (e.g., parties and candidates) and survey respondents along a latent policy dimension from issue scale data. DIF arises when respondents interpret issue scales (e.g., the standard liberal‐conservative scale) differently and distort their placements of the stimuli and themselves. We develop a Bayesian implementation of the classical maximum likelihood Aldrich‐McKelvey scaling method that overcomes some important shortcomings in the classical procedure. We then apply this method to study citizens' ideological preferences and perceptions using data from the 2004–2012 American National Election Studies and the 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Study. Our findings indicate that DIF biases self‐placements on the liberal‐conservative scale in a way that understates the extent of polarization in the contemporary American electorate and that citizens have remarkably accurate perceptions of the ideological positions of senators and Senate candidates.  相似文献   
58.
Boeckelman  Keith 《Publius》1996,26(1):1-10
The emerging global economy has altered makeup of federal systemsand set the stage for new international institutions. This articleidentifies key research issues that bear upon the connectionbetween federalism and globalism. Five specific research questions are considered. The first concernsthe impact of global economic change on the sovereignty of nationaland subnalional governments. Second, the effect of the globaleconomy on intergovernmental relations is considered. Next,the question of placement of economic policy responsibilitiesin a federal system is posed. Finally, the article asks whetherfederalism eases adaptation to the global economy and protectsdemocratic values.  相似文献   
59.
60.
Violence, disorder, and social schism are well-known features of contemporary Northern Ireland resulting in the high profile of the province’s police, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). Since 1968, in particular, the policing of some major events has resulted in the RUC being viewed variously as saint and sinner by different sections of society. The most recent cause for acceptance, or condemnation, of police performance was the 1996 ‘marching season’. In particular, withdrawal of the police from the scene of the Drumcree stand-off, once it became evident that the many members of the Orange Order gathered there intended to march down the predominantly Garvaghy Road with or without the approval of the Chief Constable, and the province-wide acts of solidarity related to that event, by other members of the order, led to much controversy. First, this essay identifies some of the potential consequences of policing Drumcree for the RUC public image. Second, it compares these potential perceptions of police performance with some published views of their response to the Ulster Workers’ Council strike in 1974 and during the negotiations leading up to, and in the aftermath of, the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985. Finally, it considers if there is anything new that can be learned about the RUC from its handling of the Drumcree crisis.  相似文献   
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