Offshore assembly and NIC-manufactured exports to the United States: Changing correlates of success

Comparative studies of the NICs usually show that their success at exporting manufactures to the North is unrelated to the role of intrafirm trade and subcontracting in their exports, since in some very successful NICs intrafirm trade has played a small and diminishing role. This study explores hyptheses suggesting why intrafirm trade and subcontracting may become more important factors in NIC exports because of the changing composition of their exports, changing technology, and developed country protectionism. Data on the share of eight developing countries' manufactured exports to the United States under offshore assembly provision (OAP) item 807.00 are tested for their changing importance to export growth over the period 1970 to 1984. For all NICs, the share of their exports to the United States under OAP became more positively related to export performance in the 1980s than it had been in the 1970s. For Asian NICs, non-OAP exports continued to outperform OAP exports.     

Constituency characteristics and legislative preferences

An important concern for testing any theory of legislative politics is how to measure legislative preferences. No existing measures are immune to criticism, so sound advice should be based on a balanced assessment of various types of measures. This study focuses on the ability of constituency characteristics to predict Senate roll call votes. Even in the best possible case, constituency-characteristic measures are shown to be deficient both absolutely and relative to supposedly crude, vote-based measures which as ADA ratings. The implication is that constituency-characteristic measures are inappropriate as direct measures of legislative preferences. However, the possibility remains that for some applications they are useful indirect measures, e.g., as right hand side variables that covary with legislative behavior of interest.     

Shutting Down the United Nations War Crimes Commission

This article presents the struggle between factions in the executive branch of the US government over post-war relations with Eurasia in general and Germany in particular. It argues that the legal and moral divide between the groups concerned interpretation of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and the limits of national sovereignty. It discusses the discontent of members of the UNWCC over US and UK efforts to close the Commission and how the United Nations dealt with the remaining UNWCC cases and records.