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A novel method for the estimation of intermediate-long firing distance range is proposed. The method is based on the characterization and chemical analysis of the smokeless powder particles on the target. An adhesive lifter is applied to collect the suspected gunshot residues (GSRs) from the surface of an object, and a Modified Griess Test (MGT) is carried out after alkaline hydrolysis on the adhesive lifter. Visualized particles are removed from the adhesive lifter under a microscope. Two systems are used for the analysis of organic discharge residues from the smokeless powder: (1) gas chromatography/thermal energy analysis (GC/TEA) for the analysis of nitroglycerine (NG) and 2,4-dinitrotoluene (2,4-DNT), (2) gas chromatography/mass spectrometry (GC/MS) for the identification of organic components such as DNT, NG, and some stabilizers. By using this procedure and confirming that the suspected particles are indeed GSR, one can estimate the intermediate-long firing distance of c. 0.75-3 m in the presence of very few particles and provide information for the classification of ammunition type in casework.  相似文献   
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Lod, a city near Tel-Aviv, is considered the main drug distribution center in Israel. A major police undercover operation in Lod, lasting close to a year, was terminated in May 2003. The success or failure of such an operation is frequently measured by the number of arrests made, the hierarchical level of the dealers arrested, the number of drug stations closed down, and the decrease in heroin seizures following the operation. In this work we suggest using an additional parameter, which has a scientific, objective basis, namely, comparing the changes in the average user weight unit ("dose") before and after the operation. We found that prior to the operation the average weight per unit was 1.1 g. Three months after the operation terminated the average weight per unit had decreased to 0.8 g and remained there for at least 4 months before rising again.  相似文献   
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Although most scholars recommend making the first offer in negotiations, recent research and practitioners' experience have uncovered a second-mover advantage in certain situations. In the current article, we explore this first- versus second-mover dynamic by investigating the circumstances under which negotiators would make less favorable first offers than they would receive were they to move second, focusing on the effects of negotiation power in the form of alternatives. Additionally, we examine the effects of low power on reservation prices and whether these effects could be mitigated using an anchor-debiasing technique. In Study 1, we manipulated negotiators' power in the form of the best alternative to the negotiated agreement and examined its effect on first offers and reservation prices. Our results showed that low-power negotiators would receive more favorable first offers than they would have made themselves when facing either low- or medium-power counterparts. Also, our results suggest that low-power negotiators had less favorable reservation prices than their medium- and high- power counterparts. In Study 2, we investigated whether this effect would persist in the face of anchor-debiasing techniques. Our results showed that while anchor-debiasing techniques did improve their first offers, low-power negotiators would still benefit from making the counteroffer rather than moving first. Our findings uncover the disadvantageous effects of low power on first-offer magnitude while offering practical advice to negotiators.  相似文献   
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The state has long relied on ordinary civilians to do surveillance work, but recent advances in networked technologies are expanding mechanisms for surveillance and social control. In this article, we analyze the phenomenon in which private individuals conduct surveillance on behalf of the state, often using private sector technologies to do so. We develop the concept of surveillance deputies to describe when ordinary people, rather than state actors, use their labor and economic resources to engage in such activity. Although surveillance deputies themselves are not new, their participation in everyday surveillance deputy work has rapidly increased under unique economic and technological conditions of our digital age. Drawing upon contemporary empirical examples, we hypothesize four conditions that contribute to surveillance deputization and strengthen its effects: (1) when interests between the state and civilians converge; (2) when law institutionalizes surveillance deputization or fails to clarify its boundaries; (3) when technological offerings expand personal surveillance capabilities; and (4) when unequal groups use surveillance to gain power or leverage resistance. In developing these hypotheses, we bridge research in law and society, sociology, surveillance studies, and science and technology studies and suggest avenues for future empirical investigation.  相似文献   
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Abstract. This article attempts to explore the relationships between Canadian provinces and American states in a systematic, empirical fashion. The constitutional context within which provinces and states may legitimately interact is far from definitive, particularly on the Canadian side. However, the relative lack of precise constitutional guidance has not prevented the development of a complex mélange of official relations between provinces and states. These trans-border relationships may be classified according to their degree of formality and their function. Oddly enough, there appears to be a larger number of formal as opposed to informal relations. Functionally, province-state contacts may be categorized as regulatory, third-party, protective-environmental, public works, and public service. In addition, the impact of geography and time are considered as conditioning factors. A number of illustrative examples are given, particularly province-state co-operation in pollution control and in the suppression of forest fires. In conclusion, the article finds that province-state trans-border co-operation is natural and involves no challenge to the primacy of the respective federal governments in their conduct of foreign relations. However, the broader significance of these subnational official ties remains to be assessed. Sommaire. Cet article tente d'examiner, dune façon empirique et systématique, les relations entre les provinces canadiennes et les Etats américains. Le contexte constitutionnel à l'intérieur duquel les provinces et les Etats peuvent entretenir des relations officielles est loin d'être définitif, surtout au Canada. Néamoins, ce manque relatif d'un régime juridique précis n'a pas empêché les Etats et les provinces de développer un mélange complexe de liens officiels. On peut classifier ces relations province-état selon leur degré de formalité et selon leur fonction. Singulièrement, il semble y avoir un nombre plus grand de relations formelles que de relations informelles. D'un point de vue fonctionnel, on peut catégoriser les liens province-état comme étant régulatoires, de tiers parti, reliés à l'environnement, aux travaux publics et à la fonction publique. De plus, l'auteur constate le rôle important que jouent la géographie et le temps dam les contacts province-état. Quelques exemples illustratifs sont donnés, particulièrement touchant la coopération province-état dam les domaines de la protection de l'environnement et de la suppression des feux, de forêts. Pour conclure, l'article constate que les relations province-état sont naturelles et qu'elles n'impliquent aucun déft à la primauté du gouvernement fédéral de chaque pays concernant les relations étrangères. Cependant il faut attendre les événements pour analyser les contacts province-état dans une plus grande perspective.  相似文献   
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