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231.
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Gunther Hellmann Rainer Baumann Monika Bösche Benjamin Herborth Wolfgang Wagner 《外交政策分析》2005,1(1):143-164
Since the end of the Cold War and unification, Germany's policy toward and within the European Union (EU) has undergone significant changes. Once a model "Europeanist," Germany has become increasingly reluctant to support the progressive implementation of key projects of European integration. Neither an instance of a planned strategic change nor a result of an inevitable adaptation to structural shifts at the systemic level, these changes in German foreign policy, incremental yet significant as they are, evade both deterministic and voluntaristic accounts of foreign policy change. Integrating insights from foreign policy analysis, integration theory, and social theory, the article develops an innovative framework for analysis that is applied to Germany's European asylum and refugee policy as well as its security and defense policy. The origins of both policy fields at the European level can be traced back to initiatives that were supported by or even originated in Germany. However, as the 1990s progressed Germany increasingly obstructed further institutionalization. While in the field of asylum and refugee policy the Amsterdam summit marks a clear turning point in Germany's position, the transformation of German policies on European security and defense proceeded rather as an incremental decrease in material support, aggravating substantive progress in the policy field more broadly. An unanticipated consequence of earlier initiatives, in both cases Germany has found it increasingly difficult to live up to the expectations it has helped to raise. 相似文献
233.
This paper develops a theory of optimal institutional structure for staggered-term (overlapping generations) organizations such as legislative bodies. Our model is a simple stochastic game of multi-principal, multi-agent dynamic relationships. Our results emphasize two key features that are determined by legislative founders at the “constitutional moment”. First, they will agree to institute a mechanism that endows (imperfectly informed) legislators with information about the history of play. Second, we provide conditions in which legislative founders will be indifferent to the structure of legislative procedures. 相似文献
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Anna A. Amirkhanyan Stephen B. Holt Austin M. McCrea Kenneth J. Meier 《Public administration review》2019,79(1):69-81
Although demographic diversity has been of paramount concern to researchers and practitioners in public management, studies exploring managerial strategies to capitalize on and respond to the needs of diverse client populations are scarce. This article examines strategies for managing diversity as a way to buffer environmental challenges in service delivery and performance resulting from heterogeneous client demands. Findings suggest that administrators prioritize diversity efforts when faced with higher levels of regulatory violations (a performance measure). A higher percentage of black residents is associated with lower service quality. However, the effect of managerial strategies for diversity on performance is conditioned by the racial composition of the clients: as the percentage of black nursing home residents increases, diversity management efforts are associated with a lower number of regulatory violations. Similarly, at higher levels of racial heterogeneity, diversity management efforts are associated with fewer regulatory violations. 相似文献
236.
Kenneth Benoit Kevin Munger Arthur Spirling 《American journal of political science》2019,63(2):491-508
Political scientists lack domain‐specific measures for the purpose of measuring the sophistication of political communication. We systematically review the shortcomings of existing approaches, before developing a new and better method along with software tools to apply it. We use crowdsourcing to perform thousands of pairwise comparisons of text snippets and incorporate these results into a statistical model of sophistication. This includes previously excluded features such as parts of speech and a measure of word rarity derived from dynamic term frequencies in the Google Books data set. Our technique not only shows which features are appropriate to the political domain and how, but also provides a measure easily applied and rescaled to political texts in a way that facilitates probabilistic comparisons. We reanalyze the State of the Union corpus to demonstrate how conclusions differ when using our improved approach, including the ability to compare complexity as a function of covariates. 相似文献
237.
Political Behavior - The original version of this article unfortunately contained a mistake. The gender dummy variable was mistakenly coded in reverse order. The interpretation treated it as (0 =... 相似文献
238.
Seung-Ho An Kenneth J. Meier Anne Bøllingtoft Lotte Bøgh Andersen 《International Public Management Journal》2019,22(1):2-28
This study reports on the effectiveness of a year-long field experiment involving training in transformational and transactional leadership in the public and private sectors. Using before and after training assessments by employees of several hundred Danish leaders, the analysis shows that transformational leadership training is associated with increases in behaviors linked to both transformational leadership and the use of verbal rewards, but only for public sector organizations. There is no impact in private sector organizations. Transactional leadership training appears to be equally effective in stimulating the use of pecuniary rewards in both public and private organizations. 相似文献
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Kenneth Bryden 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1975,18(2):235-252
Abstract. In pursuit of the search common to many governments for a more rationalistic approach to policy-making, Ontario in the 1970s engaged in massive restructuring of its executive and administration. As that was nearing completion, a more modest essay at reform of the legislature was undertaken and is still in progress. The central argument of this paper is that the dominant drive on the executive-administrative side was to reduce rationality to technocratic efficiency (though more recent developments have offset that trend to an extent), while legislative reform to date has at best been a small beginning at reducing executive dominance over the legislature (though a potential is noted at the end of the paper for enhancing the legislature's role). Moreover, the two reform movements have so far followed parallel rather than intersecting courses, thus leaving the basic democratic issues of responsiveness and accountability largely untouched. Sommaire. Dans sa recherche d'une approche plus rationnelle pour l'établissement des politiques, recherche qui est commune à bien des gouvernements, l'Ontario s'est lancé en 1970 dans une restructuration massive du gouvernement et de son administration. Celle-ci éant presque terminée, il tenta plus modestement de reformer le Parlement et cette réforme se poursuit à l'heure actuelle. La thèse de l'auteur de cette communication est que le principal effort du côte du gouvernement et de l'administration a consistéà ramener la rationalisation à l'efficacité technocratique (bien que les développements les plus récents aient renversé la vapeur dans une certaine mesure), alors que jusqu'ici la réforme du Parlement a tenté timidement de réduire la domination du gouvernement sur le Parlement (bien que l'auteur mentionne à la fin de l'exposé la possibilité d'accroître davantage le rôle de la législature). De plus, les deux mouvements de réforme ont suivi jusqu'à présent des routes parallèles, ce qui laisse pratiquement intactes les questions fondamentales de la responsabilité et du contrôle. 相似文献