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961.
Kenneth Omeje 《冲突、安全与发展》2006,6(2):211-230
Oil presents a horrendous paradox in Nigeria. It provides enormous wealth and means of patronage to the rentier state and its joint venture partners, the transnational oil companies. However, to large sections of the local oil-bearing communities, the commodity is mainly a source of anxiety and misery. Dating from colonial history, the state has made systematic and sustained efforts to disfactor the local oil-bearing Niger Delta communities from asserting or holding any consequential stakes in the oil resources underneath their soil. In this ironic political game, the state employs the unmitigated paraphernalia of law and public policy to privilege itself and its business partners primarily within the oil industry. This leaves the local oil-bearing communities with limited breathing space, hence, their massive resort to violent protests. This study critically examines the emergence of the contemporary rentier state and how the latter mobilizes and exploits the instrumentality of rule making to entrench and advance its rent-seeking interests in the Nigerian oil economy. The rent-seeking interests and devices of the federal state not only underlie but also complicate the oil conflict. 相似文献
962.
The media portrayal of policing is juxtaposed with both positive and negative representations. As a result, a complex relationship exists between media consumption and public attitudes towards the police. The purpose of this study was to test the impact that media consumption had on attitudes toward police misconduct and discrimination. The findings revealed that heavy consumers of network news were more likely to believe that police misconduct was a frequent event. This was especially true for minority respondents. Similarly, minority respondents that frequently viewed network news were more likely to believe that Whites received better treatment by the police. Finally, the findings revealed that frequent viewers of police dramas believed that the wealthy received preferential treatment from the police. Conversely, frequent viewers of crime solving shows believed that the wealthy did not receive preferential treatment. 相似文献
963.
Kenneth M. Roberts 《拉美政治与社会》2003,45(3):35-57
Considering its strong, highly institutionalized two-party system, Venezuela was surely one of the least likely countries in Latin America to experience a party system breakdown and populist resurgence. That traditional party system nevertheless was founded on a mixture of corporatist and clientelist linkages to social actors that were unable to withstand the secular decline of the oil economy and several aborted attempts at market liberalization. Successive administrations led by the dominant parties failed to reverse the economic slide, with devastating consequences for the party system as a whole. The party system ultimately rested on insecure structural foundations; and when its social moorings crumbled in the 1990s, the populist movement of Hugo Chávez emerged to fill the political void. This populist resurgence both capitalized on and accelerated the institutional decomposition of the old order. 相似文献
964.
THE PERCEIVED SIZE OF SMALL BUSINESS BANKING MARKETS 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Definition of markets is fundamental to any analysis of competitionand is the first step in enforcement of antitrust statutes.In the banking industry, geographic market definitions havebeen the subject of considerable discussion in recent years.This paper utilizes a survey conducted by the National Federationof Independent Business Research Foundation in 2001. The surveyasked a variety of questions relating to American small businesses'experience with financial institutions, including a questionasking how many banks were in the market area where the smallfirm did most of its business. Using the zip code of the surveyrespondent, this answer was compared with the number of banksin the same county, in the same metropolitan area, or in thelocal banking market as defined by the Federal Reserve. Theresults show that both urban and rural markets as perceivedby small businesses are considerably smaller than markets asdefined by either the US Department of Justice or the FederalReserve. 相似文献
965.
Insight mediation is the name we have given to the model of mediation that is taught and practiced at Carleton University in Ottawa, Canada. The name has evolved from our efforts to situate the model in relation to the transformative and narrative styles of mediation. Drawing upon the work of Canadian philosopher Bernard Lonergan and his theory of insight, mediators practicing this model seek direct and inverse insights into what the conflict means to each party by discovering what each party cares about and how that threatens the other party. Insights shift attitudes and create space for collective action. The authors argue that coming to recognize the theoretical underpinnings of our practice helps us become better practitioners. 相似文献
966.
All Donations Should Not Be Treated Equally: A Response to Jeffrey Kahn's Commentary 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Lainie Friedman Ross 《The Journal of law, medicine & ethics》2002,30(3):448-451
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969.
Jeffrey A. Friedman 《American journal of political science》2019,63(1):181-196
Why do Americans’ priorities for combating risks like terrorism, climate change, and violent crime often seem so uncorrelated with the dangers that those risks objectively present? Many scholars believe the answer to this question is that heuristics, biases, and ignorance cause voters to misperceive risk magnitudes. By contrast, this article argues that Americans’ risk priorities primarily reflect judgments about the extent to which some victims deserve more protection than others and the degree to which it is appropriate for government to intervene in different areas of social life. The article supports this argument with evidence drawn from a survey with 3,000 respondents, using pairwise comparisons to elicit novel measures of how respondents perceive nine dimensions of 100 life‐threatening risks. Respondents were well informed about these risks’ relative magnitudes—the correlation between perceived and actual mortality was .82—but those perceptions explained relatively little variation in policy preferences relative to judgments about the status of victims and the appropriate role of government. These findings hold regardless of political party, education, and other demographics. The article thus argues that the key to understanding Americans’ divergent reactions to risk lies more with their values than with their grasp of factual information. 相似文献
970.
Kenneth Khavwandiza Sunguh Asad Abbas Alabi Charles Olabode Zhang Xuehe 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2019,19(4)
The study aims to investigate the effect of identify and status in the field of global mobility and expatriate management. It conceptualizes perceived prejudice towards low‐status expatriates (LSE) though the social identity theory (SIT) lens and examines the effect it has on two state self‐esteem domains, that is, performance self‐esteem and social self‐esteem. The study also highlights that the moderation roles education level and age of expatriates play towards their adaptability. In doing so, it seeks to expand the expatriate management domain by investigating the negative side associated with expatriation. Hierarchical regression analysis was used to analyze responses from 373 LSE working in China. The results provide evidence indicating the significance attached to status and identity, thus indicating that perceived prejudice significantly affects expatriate's self‐esteem negatively and that age and education level mitigate these effects by moderating the relationship. Age and education level attained by the expatriates are found to be significant moderators in this relationship. The study therefore proposes the use of SIT as a powerful theoretical lens for understanding LSE. 相似文献