Expectations from Administrative Reforms: An Attempt to Implement the Balanced Scorecard in a Public Sector Organization

The aim of this case study is to explore what actors in a Swedish municipality expect from a new administrative reform (i.e., an attempt to implement the Balanced Scorecard). The findings show that the expectations on changes are highest among the politicians, moderate among the administrators, and lowest among the operative employees. The differences can be explained by the way the reform is anticipated to favor or disfavor the actors, who in turn are influenced by the actors' past experiences. Most of the expressed expectations concern expectations of the outcome of the administrative reform, but some concern expectations on the reform itself.     

Autocracies and Terrorism: Conditioning Effects of Authoritarian Regime Type on Terrorist Attacks

Although empirical research has generally demonstrated that democracies experience more terrorism than autocracies, research suggests that this depends upon complex institutional differences that go beyond the democracy‐autocracy divide. This study examines these differences, linking institutions to strategies of coercion and co‐optation. Using zero‐inflated negative binomial regression estimations on Geddes’ (2003) autocratic regime‐type data for 161 countries between 1970 and 2006, we find that single‐party authoritarian regimes consistently experience less domestic and international terrorism relative to military autocracies and democracies. This finding is robust to a large number of specifications, underscoring the explanatory power of regime type for predicting terrorism. Our explanation for these findings is that party‐based autocracies have a wider range of coercion and co‐option strategies that they can employ to address grievance and dissent than do other, more strategically restricted, regimes.     

The Downside of Decentralization: Armed Clientelism in Colombia

In recent years, decentralization and regional autonomy measures have figured prominently in negotiations designed to end some of the world's most important conflicts, including in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Sudan. Reforms that shift powers to subnational units deserve the attention of those who are trying to promote security via institutional design, but the risks associated with these territorial reforms are considerable. When political and economic resources are transferred to subnational governments in the attempt to create meaningful access to the political system for former combatants, the great risk is that these same resources can be used to finance a continuation of the armed struggle instead. In response to the popularity of territorial reforms in many post-conflict settings, this paper sounds a cautionary note by evaluating the negative impact of decentralization on security in Colombia, site of Latin America's longest and deadliest armed conflict. After analyzing the design decisions of reformers who hoped that decentralization would help end the conflict, I argue that decentralization in fact financed the expansion of armed clientelism by illegal groups on both the left and right. Thanks to the weakness of the police in much of the national territory, guerrillas and paramilitaries have been able to use decentralized resources to destabilize the state, limiting even further its monopoly over the use of force and creating what are in effect parallel states on the left and right.     

Public administration reform and the “new managerialism”: a comparative assessment of a fundamental challenge confronting canadian public administration

The “new managerialism” is becoming the new ortodoxy in public administration. It has challenged the classic assumptions about the nature of bureaucracy in democratic countries. However, it has not implied a great deal of serious debate. In Canada, it is challenging the model of constitutional bureaucracy around which public administration has been organized. Such a model involves two main principles: the ministerial Department and a neutral career public service. The former has meant that power flow in downward and responsibility and accountability upward (to the elected state authorities). The latter that, among other things, officials enjoy security of tenure in exchange for their willingness to serve governments of all partisan affiliations with equal loyalty and effectiveness. The new managerialism challenges both principles since it proposes to diffuse authority both horizontally and vertically, make accountabi1;ty run downward to “clients” and be more capable to substitute personell according to the needs of the moment. Since the new managerialism involves serious risks, the author ends up asking whether these two contending paradigms can or should be reconcilied, and warning not to overlook the past histories of Canadian and Western administrative and political institutions.     

Book Reviews

Using a sample of full-time employees of a public sector organisation in South Korea, this study examines whether transformational leadership (TL) has a significant positive effect on affective commitment (AC) and organisational citizenship behavior (OCB), and whether AC is positively related to OCB. The study also examines whether AC mediates the effects of TL on OCB. The results of higher-order structural equation modeling indicate a positive relationship between TL and AC; no significant relationship between TL and OCB; and a significant positive relationship between AC and OCB. Thus, the results clearly demonstrate that AC fully mediates the relationship between TL and OCB. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed, and proposals for future research are made.     

From local government to local governance: Re‐casting British local democracy

The traditional debate about local government and local democracy has focused almost exclusively upon elected local authorities. The advent of local governance (the division of decision‐making authority and service provision between local authorities and a range of non‐elected organizations) necessitates a move away from this obsession with elections. It requires an evaluation of the diversity of local organizations; the elected element is but one part of a complex mosaic of bodies operating locally. Partnerships, networks and contracts have become integral features of the local political scene. Studies of local democracy can no longer simply dismiss the non‐elected elements as non‐democratic and unaccountable; their diverse patterns of accountability require scrutiny not blanket dismissal. This article explores contemporary local democracy in Britain and argues that the complexities of governance necessitate a re‐casting of British local democracy and its limits.     

Book reviews

COMPANY LAW by Mary C. Oliver, (1967), published by MacDonald & Evans Ltd,, at 12s. 6d.

A CASEBOOK ON TORT by Tony Weir, published by Sweet and Maxwell Ltd. (1967). Bound: £3.17.6d. Paperback: £2. 2. Od.

PRINCIPLES OF PUBLIC INTERNATIONAL LAW by Ian Brownlie, (1966), published by Oxford University Press, at 63/‐.

THE LAW OF CONTRACT by G. H. Treitel, Second Edition (1966) published by Stevens & Sons Ltd. Bound £3. 17. 6. Paperback £1. 18. 6,

CASEBOOK ON MERCANTILE LAW by E.R. Hardy Ivamy (1967) published by Butterworths: at 25s.

“COMMERCIAL LAW OF SCOTLAND”, by Campbell B. Burns, published by William Hodge & Company Limited, (1966), at 42/‐

BRITAIN AND EUROPE: AN INDUSTRIAL APPRAISAL, vol. 1. by the Confederation of British Industry (1966), published by C.B.I, at 10s.