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71.
72.
Tina L. Freiburger Catherine D. Marcum Mari Pierce 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2010,35(1-2):76-86
This study examined the effect of race on the pretrial release decision for drug offenders. Although this decision point has not been examined as extensively as the final sentencing decision, it is a critical discretion point which impacts defendants’ future sentencing outcomes. The results found that race had a significant impact on judges’ decisions to release a defendant on recognizance, with black defendants less likely to receive this release status. Race was not significant, however, in the decision of bail amount or in the likelihood to post bail. These results are consistent with the focal concerns perspective which suggests that black defendants are viewed by courts as more dangerous and blameworthy and thereby, less likely to be released on their own recognizance. 相似文献
73.
Literature suggests that developing empathy for animals will result in caring toward other living things. Empathy is often seen as a key building block of prosocial behavior and can be defined as sharing of another person’s emotions and feelings. In older childhood and adolescence, a lack of empathy may have deleterious consequences, leading to antisocial behaviors. However, children and adolescents who exhibit human and non-human animal aggression have often been witness to animal cruelty in the home. When empathy and prosocial behaviors are not learned in the home, there are alternatives to facilitate that process. This study discusses the development of empathy and prosocial behavior by working with animals through the modalities of humane education, restorative justice, and animal-assisted programs. Each modality focuses on building compassion, caring, responsibility, and kindness with the help of animals. Through these violence prevention programs, children and adolescents can develop empathy, which will decrease the likelihood of future aggression. 相似文献
74.
Anne R. Pierce 《Society》2014,51(1):68-86
Looking at Egypt before, during and after the Arab Spring, this paper examines the intersection of Christian Copts, the Muslim Brotherhood, the Egyptian army, moderate Muslims and secular groups. In turn, it examines the Obama administration’s policies toward Egypt. It discloses the surprising finding that the only consistent aspect of the administration’s policy toward Egypt has been outreach to and engagement with the Muslim Brotherhood. At no time before or after the Brotherhood’s ascent to prominence in Egyptian politics and society did the administration make support of the Brotherhood conditional. At no time did it use US leverage - given the massive amount of financial and military aid Egypt was depending on, and given the new Egyptian government’s desire for prestige in the world community–to pressure the Morsi government to respect human rights, religious liberty and the impartial rule of law. Arguing that American foreign policy at its best is rooted in democratic ideals, this paper asks whether the United States, while respecting that Egyptians must choose their leaders and their political system, could have done more to encourage a positive strategic, moral and political outcome. 相似文献
75.
Greg Ridgeway Anthony A. Braga George Tita Glenn L. Pierce 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2011,7(1):103-109
The objective of this study was to assess whether targeting new gun buyers with a public safety message aimed at improving
gun law awareness can modify gun purchasers’ behaviors. Between May 2007 and September 2008, 2,120 guns were purchased in
two target neighborhoods of the City of Los Angeles. Starting in August 2007, gun buyers initiating transactions on odd-numbered
days received a letter signed by prominent law enforcement officials, indicating that law enforcement had a record of their
gun purchase and that the gun buyer should properly record future transfers of the gun. The letters arrived during buyers’
10-day waiting periods, before they could legally return to the store to collect their new gun. Subsequent gun records were
extracted to assess the letter’s effect on legal secondary sales, reports of stolen guns, and recovery of the gun in a crime.
An intent-to-treat analysis was also conducted as a sensitivity check to remedy a lapse in the letter program between May
and August 2007. The letter appears to have no effect on the legal transfer rate or on the short-term rate of guns subsequently
turning up in a crime. However, we found that the rate at which guns are reported stolen for those who received the letter
is more than twice the rate for those who did not receive the letter (p value = 0.01). Those receiving the letter reported their gun stolen at a rate of 18 guns per 1,000 gun-years and those not
receiving the letter reported their gun stolen at a rate of 7 guns per 1,000 gun-years. Of those receiving the letter, 1.9%
reported their gun stolen during the study period compared to 1.0% for those who did not receive the letter. The percentage
of guns reported stolen in these neighborhoods is high, indicating a high rate of true gun theft, a regular practice of using
stolen-gun reports to separate the gun buyer from future misuse of the gun, or some blend of both. Simple, targeted gun law
awareness campaigns can modify new gun buyers’ behaviors. Additional follow-up or modifications to this initiative might be
needed to impact the rate at which guns enter the illegal gun market and ultimately are recovered in crimes. 相似文献