全文获取类型
收费全文 | 797篇 |
免费 | 33篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 63篇 |
工人农民 | 37篇 |
世界政治 | 54篇 |
外交国际关系 | 60篇 |
法律 | 406篇 |
中国政治 | 7篇 |
政治理论 | 196篇 |
综合类 | 7篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 11篇 |
2020年 | 18篇 |
2019年 | 26篇 |
2018年 | 38篇 |
2017年 | 48篇 |
2016年 | 35篇 |
2015年 | 21篇 |
2014年 | 25篇 |
2013年 | 163篇 |
2012年 | 24篇 |
2011年 | 33篇 |
2010年 | 39篇 |
2009年 | 30篇 |
2008年 | 39篇 |
2007年 | 34篇 |
2006年 | 26篇 |
2005年 | 26篇 |
2004年 | 22篇 |
2003年 | 11篇 |
2002年 | 27篇 |
2001年 | 10篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 9篇 |
1998年 | 11篇 |
1997年 | 8篇 |
1996年 | 8篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 6篇 |
1993年 | 10篇 |
1991年 | 7篇 |
1990年 | 7篇 |
1989年 | 6篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有830条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
171.
172.
During the 1970s, Cleveland's capital improvement plan (CIP) was scorned as a bad joke, and the city's roads, bridges, and public buildings fell into disrepair. The city's default on its fiscal obligation in 1978 seemed to cap the city's infrastructure problem; there was no comprehensive strategy for capital spending and in a bankrupt city, no money to spend in any event. Yet, during the 1980s, with support from the administration, the business community, and the innovations of a small group of dedicated urban planners, the CIP was restructured and hundreds of millions were systematically invested in public infrastructure. By the 1990s, most of the innovative changes of the 1980s seemed to be institutionalized, but there were ominous clouds on the horizon. 相似文献
173.
Kevin J. O'Brien 《当代中国》2011,20(71):535-541
The relationship between area studies and political science is fraught with tradeoffs. In particular, a danger exists that the field of Chinese politics is being hollowed out because (a) there are many islands of highly specialized research with few bridges between them; and (b) more and more Chinese politics scholars are engaged in debates in which the ‘other side’ is no longer a China scholar but instead a colleague in the discipline. At a time when China's economic growth and prominence in world affairs have generated remarkable interest inside and outside the academy, few scholars are willing to take a stab at characterizing the polity or addressing other, equally large questions. Further thought is needed about the ‘terms of enlistment’ for China scholars in political science, in an era when ever more-focused studies and greater participation in disciplinary debates have become the norm. 相似文献
174.
175.
176.
177.
Kevin Bruyneel 《New Political Science》2013,35(3):297-321
In no small part, Arnold Schwarzenegger's victory in the 2003 California recall can be credited to his campaign's ability to define him as an ‘outsider’ who would save the state from casino-owning indigenous tribes that were seemingly taking over the political system and refusing to pay their ‘fair share.’ This strategy invoked the American sentiment of colonialist anti-tribalism: the view that argues for holding back any expression of tribal sovereignty that may allow tribes to thrive, because thriving tribes are a danger to America. American efforts to prevent tribal casino development, and keep tribes in a state of dependency, often fall back on anti-tribalism in this way. The first part of this article shows how anti-tribalism played a critical role in the Schwarzenegger campaign. The second part then uncovers the active nerve-center of contemporary anti-tribalism in the work of right-wing citizen groups. In all, I argue that anti-tribalism is not consigned to the American past but in fact persists as an active contemporary phenomenon that, in this case, can be clearly traced from the center-right mainstream to the far right margins of American politics. 相似文献
178.
Eva A. Paus Kevin P. Gallagher 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2008,43(1):53-80
This article offers an analytical framework for understanding the missing links between FDI and development, and applies it to the high technology sectors of Costa Rica and Mexico, the two countries in Latin America that have attracted the highest percentage of FDI in manufacturing. Since the advancement of knowledge-based assets in this sector is at the heart of structural change and development, we focus specifically on the conditions that enable or prevent positive knowledge spillovers from FDI. We identify two main reasons for the missing links between high-tech FDI and the development of indigenous knowledge-based assets in Costa Rica and Mexico. First, their governments did not have a coherent strategy, which would have spelled out the needed government policies to advance national capabilities, overcome market failures, and support the integration of national producers into TNCs’ global production networks. Second, there were limitations on the spillover potential from FDI. In Costa Rica and Mexico, technology or scale requirements for inputs made it difficult for large TNCs to source domestically beyond simple inputs like packaging materials. In Mexico, fundamental changes in the organization of global production chains in the computer industry led TNCs to rely on their global contract manufacturers rather than work with potential Mexican input suppliers. 相似文献
179.
Kevin Kosar 《Public administration review》2007,67(6):1077-1082
The George W. Bush administration’s doctrines of preemption and democratization through military action have been much debated. Discussants have included former members of the military, students of international relations and diplomacy, philosophers, and legal theorists, to name a few. Not surprisingly, the focus of these expostulations has been on the utility of hard and soft power, the international ripple effects of military action and state toppling, and the legal and moral propriety of preemption. For the most part, public administrators have little participated in these debates. This is regrettable, for the central question nestled within any debate over public policy is the question of plausibility. Can this policy be executed successfully? The governance challenges in postconflict states are profound. Who should rule? How should the state be reconstructed? What administrative structures should be erected? Who should staff government offices and bureaucracies, and what principles should guide them? If preemption and democratization are to succeed, then these questions must be answered. Rajiv Chandrasekaran is an assistant managing editor of the Washington Post. His book Imperial Life in the Emerald City: Inside Iraq’s Green Zone (Alfred A. Knopf, 2006) is an examination of the Coalition Provisional Authority that governed Iraq from April 2003 through June 2004. Mr. Chandrasekaran has served as the journalist in residence for the International Reporting Project at the Johns Hopkins School for Advanced International Studies and as a public policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center in Washington, D.C. In March 2007, Mr. Chandrasekaran was interviewed by Kevin Kosar on behalf of the Public Administration Review. 相似文献
180.
The current research examined drinking and drug use among college students. Using a self-report survey of students from a midwestern university, the frequency of alcohol use, binge drinking, and drug use were explored. Particular attention was paid to drinking behaviors and drug use among Criminal Justice (CJ) students compared to students from other majors. Differences were found between CJ and non-CJ students especially in terms of drinking behavior; fewer differences were found between majors in terms of drug use. Issues of moral authority were examined as well as issues of employability. Implications for CJ students, faculty and advisors are discussed. 相似文献