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311.
Korean public administration (PA) education has developed substantially since the Second World War in both quantitative and qualitative dimensions, but there is still a considerable way to go with further development. Korean PA education was heavily influenced by the United States for many years, but Korea’s interaction with other parts of the world was relatively limited. This article deals with the following three issues of Korean PA education. First, a historical background of the development of PA as a discipline will be briefly reviewed to provide a comparative sense, followed by an overview of the development of PA education in Korea. After that, the current status of Korean PA education will be examined based on aggregate data, followed by an assessment of the impacts of New Public Management and globalization. 相似文献
312.
313.
Inwook Kim 《安全研究》2013,22(5):833-869
AbstractPetro-alignment, a quid pro quo arrangement whereby great powers offer security in exchange for oil states’ friendly oil policies, is a widely used and yet undertheorized energy security strategy. One consequential aspect of this exchange is that great powers choose different levels of security commitment to keep oil producers friendly. With what criteria do great powers rank oil states? How do we conceptualize different types of petro-alignments? What exactly do great powers and oil producers exchange under each petro-alignment type? I posit that a mix of market power and geostrategic location determines the strategic value and vulnerability of individual client oil states, which then generates four corresponding types of petro-alignment—security guarantee, strategic alignment, strategic favor, and neglect. Two carefully selected case comparisons—Saudi Arabia and Kuwait in 1970–91, and Azerbaijan and Ecuador in 1990–2013—show how great powers created, utilized, and maintained petro-alignments under the unique logic of oil markets and across varying geopolitical settings. The findings have important implications on great powers’ grand strategies, strategic behaviors of oil states, and the role of oil in international security. 相似文献
314.
Hana C. Kim 《环境索赔杂志》2013,25(2):154-169
The United States has seen an enormous increase in the natural gas supply in the last three years. Several proposals to export liquefied natural gas (LNG) have been submitted and are currently under review at the Department of Energy/Office of Fossil Energy (DOE/FE). The Natural Gas Act requires the DOE/FE to consider whether the LNG exports are in the public interest before licensing export terminals. Although exporting to Free Trade Agreement member countries is de facto in the public interest, LNG exports to nonmember countries remains a hotly disputed and politically relevant question. 相似文献
315.
Recent research has shown that the ‘emotional victim effect’ (an emotional victim is more readily believed than a nonemotional victim) is mediated by expectancy violation: people base their judgments about a victim's credibility on their expectations of the victim's suffering. Victims whose behavior is inconsistent with these expectations suffer a loss of credibility. In this article, we further examine the role of expectancy violation and explore possible negative effects of a victim's highly emotional post-crime reaction. Using several mediations, we demonstrate three important contributions to the existing literature. First, we demonstrate that, in the same way as expectancy violation mediates the effect from nonverbal emotional expression on perceived credibility, this mediating effect would also hold for the verbal expression of emotions. Second, we demonstrate that expectancy violation mediates the effect from a victim's verbal emotional expression on the observer's attitude toward the victim. More specifically, we demonstrate that a highly emotional written Victim Impact Statement (VIS) could lead to secondary victimization, dependent on the observer's expectations regarding the effects of the crime. Third, this article is the first to demonstrate that expectancy violation leads to a negative effect on people's acceptance of the VIS in the criminal justice procedure. 相似文献
316.
Minjeong Kim 《Communication Law & Policy》2013,18(3):313-339
A month after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft issued a memorandum suggesting that federal officers withhold records unless they lack a sound legal basis for doing so. White House Chief of Staff Andrew Card Jr. also issued a FOIA memorandum in 2002 in which he advised agencies not to release information for national security reasons even when the FOIA exemption for national security did not apply. The FOIA policy expressed in these memoranda clearly contrasts with that of the Clinton administration. This article examines the effect of these changes in policy on FOIA implementation between the two administrations. Quantitative data from annual FOIA reports issued by twenty-five agencies for fiscal years 1998 through 2005 are analyzed. The findings support the prevailing perception that the Bush administration has sought to limit the scope of the FOIA and has impaired its effectiveness as an instrument of access. 相似文献
317.
ABSTRACTWe compared a total of 340 sexual assault cases based on offender characteristics, victim characteristics, and offence behaviours to identify differences among sexual assaults committed by lone, double, and groups of three or more perpetrators in South Korea. Several differences were found among sexual assaults committed by varying numbers of offenders. First, lone, double, and groups of three or more perpetrators differed with respect to age, marital status, and employment status. Second, substantial differences in victim characteristics were observed with respect to age and the victim–offender (v–o) relationship. Third, significant differences in offence behaviours, including offence type, planning, method of approach, knife possession, and stealing property, were found. Furthermore, we identified several variables that significantly predict group size using logistic regression analyses. The study has theoretical implications for understanding how group dynamics influence the behaviours of rape perpetrators, and practical implications for victim treatment and offender intervention. 相似文献
318.
Sungmoon Kim 《New Political Science》2013,35(4):527-546
This essay aims to re-evaluate the quality of democratic consolidation in South Korea from a participatory democracy perspective. In order to do so, I, drawing on Barber's theory of strong democracy, redefine democratic consolidation in terms of the active citizenship and political dynamism that it breeds rather than in terms of stability, which overly prefers a liberal-pluralist, yet inherently conservative, civil society to a more vibrant and sometimes intractable form of civil society. Understanding democratic consolidation as an open-ended, non-teleological, and perennial struggle for citizenship, I then focus on the Koreans' collective response to the deaths of two teenage girls struck by a US military vehicle in 2002 to explore how Koreans critically re-evaluate their collective identity and actively repossess citizenship in civil society through the inculcation and practice of ch?ng, the Koreans' familial affectionate sentiment. I conclude by presenting “affectionate citizenship” as the most practicable model for Korean democracy. 相似文献
319.
Tae-Sik Kim 《社会征候学》2013,23(5):683-697
This article addresses three facets of modernity that are signified by slogans and spatial settings in Beijing, China. The research was conducted as a preliminary study of the communication process in the course of globalization and nationalism reflected in the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. This article uses some photographs and observations to analyze symbolic meanings of slogans and spaces from Beijing in summer 2007, a year before the Games. Since slogans in China have a long tradition, the repeated usages of slogans and their relations to the spatial settings might signify strong messages to promote governmental orientations. This article explores slogans on Tiananmen Square in relation to the political space, a huge sign displaying the motto of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games in Wangfujing district in relation to the economic space, and slogans in an old and poor district under a redevelopment project. The article posits that these three slogans and spaces reflect three different facets of Chinese modernity: nationalism, globalization, and developmental ideology. 相似文献
320.
Kim Hopper 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(3):755-813
Abstract The contemporary emphasis on the pathologies of shelter denizens and street‐dwellers tends to conceal the great variety of makeshift ways of life that have characterized “homelessness” over the centuries. Diversity notwithstanding, those considered “vagrants” were historically marked as suspect members of a poor apart, even when their numbers increased sharply. Because kin ties have consistently proven to be the first line of defense against “literal homelessness,” skid row researchers thought their absence (along with the lack of associated ties to work and community) to be diagnostic of the condition. Indeed, earlier research tended to see as “homeless” any “disaffiliated” persons, housed or not, who lived alone in unconventional dwellings. Not only have the new homeless poor, by contrast, proven to be more diverse—their geographic locus, age, gender, ethnicity, and signal disabilities having all changed—but their common element is less often ascribed to faulty social connectedness than to sheer absence of shelter. This paper discusses such changes and reviews definitions of homelessness and several approaches to its social construction. The paper argues that, although definitions owe as much to political as to logical considerations, it makes both practical and historical sense to view the streets and shelters as but one variant of a class of informal or makeshift residential settings that increasingly characterizes the marginally situated. 相似文献