全文获取类型
收费全文 | 899篇 |
免费 | 47篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 82篇 |
工人农民 | 72篇 |
世界政治 | 82篇 |
外交国际关系 | 59篇 |
法律 | 438篇 |
中国共产党 | 2篇 |
中国政治 | 11篇 |
政治理论 | 194篇 |
综合类 | 6篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 16篇 |
2022年 | 11篇 |
2021年 | 11篇 |
2020年 | 30篇 |
2019年 | 43篇 |
2018年 | 61篇 |
2017年 | 53篇 |
2016年 | 49篇 |
2015年 | 33篇 |
2014年 | 31篇 |
2013年 | 137篇 |
2012年 | 44篇 |
2011年 | 39篇 |
2010年 | 40篇 |
2009年 | 36篇 |
2008年 | 24篇 |
2007年 | 34篇 |
2006年 | 35篇 |
2005年 | 39篇 |
2004年 | 21篇 |
2003年 | 28篇 |
2002年 | 23篇 |
2001年 | 16篇 |
2000年 | 10篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 7篇 |
1993年 | 8篇 |
1992年 | 5篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 8篇 |
1989年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 5篇 |
1985年 | 4篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 5篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 2篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有946条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
171.
Taewoo Kim 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):467-492
In the early days of the Korean War, the U.S. Air Force (USAF) had a policy of precision bombing military targets only. Policy-makers in Washington, D.C., formulated this policy to ensure the protection of Korean civilians and to increase the effectiveness of their air operations. Senior USAF officers in Korea, however, were unhappy about the limitations placed on them by Washington. In their strategic air operations against targets in North Korea USAF officers followed Washington's precision bombing policy, but they insisted that USAF bombers be permitted to use incendiary bombs against population centers in North Korea. China's entry into the war in November 1950 led to a drastic change in the precision bombing policy. On 5 November 1950, when the UN forces began suffering defeat after defeat in battles with the new enemy, General Douglas MacArthur designated cities and villages in North Korea as “main bombing targets” and permitted the use of incendiary bombs, which had been used in attacks against Japanese cities during World War II. From that point until the end of the war, the USAF regarded North Korean cities and villages as their crucial targets as political and military occasion demanded. 相似文献
172.
Abstract A number of accounts of shame and guilt emphasise an association between shame and anger difficulties, and it has been suggested that shame and rage may promote one another. The shame–anger relationship may be particularly relevant to the study of forensic populations, as the fact of having committed a criminal offence has the potential to be a highly shame-provoking experience. The current study investigates the prediction that shame and guilt reactions to an offence are differentially related to the propensity to experience and ability to control anger. A measure of offence-related shame and guilt and a measure of anger experience and control was completed by 60 men detained in forensic psychiatric units. The results supported the prediction that offence-related shame is associated with elevated levels of anger difficulties, whilst offence-related guilt is associated with ability to control anger. The findings of the current study are consistent with those of previous investigations of shame, guilt and anger. Specific implications for the understanding and prevention of violent offending are discussed. 相似文献
173.
Using a unique data source of genealogies of upper-status families, called Bulcheonwye families, we assess how the extent of family succession through adoption changed over five centuries from 1450 to 1949 in Korea. Our analysis shows the continued increase in the share of adopted sons among total family successors up to the end of the 19th century when three out of ten family successors were adopted. The trend of the increasing role of adoption is closely related to the declining number of sons per family, suggesting that not only the rising influence of Confucian culture but also demographic changes increased the demand for adoption. Finally, our comparison provides evidence that the likelihood of achieving high social status was significantly higher among adopted sons than biological ones, suggesting that the socioeconomic potential of adopted sons could be an important factor for adoption decision. 相似文献
174.
Kuen-tae Kim 《The History of the Family》2013,18(1):69-87
While the urban area was increasingly filled with middle- and low-status residents, the rural area was dominated by high-status settlers whose number increased because of migration from the city and natural growth. Remarkable differences existed between urban and rural marriage features such as marriage age and rate of remarriage. The more sincere adoption of the high-status marriage culture in the rural area may be attributed to its occupational homogeneity. In the rural agrarian settings, landlords, self-cultivators and tenants shared a similar living pattern and value system based on the agricultural cycle. The urban area, however, exhibited a variety of work patterns of local functionaries, artisans and merchants. Many middle- and low-status people might well have found the high-status culture of the rural area incompatible with their own. 相似文献
175.
This paper is based on the premise that corrupt uses of public, civic networks ostensibly built and legitimated for their altruistic purposes can be a source of network subversion and corruption. Open, public, civic networks of South Korea seem to be systemic and organizational facilitators of criminality instead of assumptions of criminality being related only to closed, criminal cultures or anomie. We test whether increasing participation in the major social networks of Korean civic life – networks based on geography (common ancestral hometown), family (extended kinship), and education (alumni) – are associated with increasing penchants for self-admitted criminal collusion, in this case, bribery. We argue that due to relational association or within-network favoritism the increase in multiple networks per individual generates increasing social capital of access, information, and trust which may be subverted toward some form of private criminal collusion. 相似文献
176.
177.
Han Chul Lee Ph.D. Se‐Yong Kim M.S. Jong Yeol Kim M.S. Seung Hwan Lee Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(4):989-992
Since the Korean criminal DNA database was launched in 2010, we have focused on establishing an automated DNA database profiling system that analyzes short tandem repeat loci in a high‐throughput and cost‐effective manner. We established a DNA database profiling system without DNA purification using a direct PCR buffer system. The quality of direct PCR procedures was compared with that of conventional PCR system under their respective optimized conditions. The results revealed not only perfect concordance but also an excellent PCR success rate, good electropherogram quality, and an optimal intra/inter‐loci peak height ratio. In particular, the proportion of DNA extraction required due to direct PCR failure could be minimized to <3%. In conclusion, the newly developed direct PCR system can be adopted for automated DNA database profiling systems to replace or supplement conventional PCR system in a time‐ and cost‐saving manner. 相似文献
178.
Minzee Kim Wesley Longhofer Elizabeth Heger Boyle Hollie Nyseth Brehm 《Law & society review》2013,47(3):589-619
Using the case of adolescent fertility, we ask the questions of whether and when national laws have an effect on outcomes above and beyond the effects of international law and global organizing. To answer these questions, we utilize a fixed‐effect time‐series regression model to analyze the impact of minimum‐age‐of‐marriage laws in 115 poor‐ and middle‐income countries from 1989 to 2007. We find that countries with strict laws setting the minimum age of marriage at 18 experienced the most dramatic decline in rates of adolescent fertility. Trends in countries that set this age at 18 but allowed exceptions (for example, marriage with parental consent) were indistinguishable from countries that had no such minimum‐age‐of‐marriage law. Thus, policies that adhere strictly to global norms are more likely to elicit desired outcomes. The article concludes with a discussion of what national law means in a diffuse global system where multiple actors and institutions make the independent effect of law difficult to identify. 相似文献
179.
Lindsey Zimmerman Zohra Kamal Hannah Kim 《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2013,41(2):121-127
Undergraduate community psychology courses can empower students to address challenging problems in their local communities. Creating a logic model is an experiential way to learn course concepts by “doing.” Throughout the semester, students work with peers to define a problem, develop an intervention, and plan an evaluation focused on an issue of concern to them. This report provides an overview of how to organize a community psychology course around the creation of a logic model in order for students to develop this applied skill. Two undergraduate student authors report on their experience with the logic model assignment, describing the community problem they chose to address, what they learned from the assignment, what they found challenging, and what they are doing now in their communities based on what they learned. 相似文献
180.
This paper explores the Fighters' Bulletin (Tusahoebo) , which was initially published by a student organization during the Gwangju People's Uprising and later became a kind of official newspaper of the struggle headquarters. Through an analysis of the contents of the Fighters' Bulletin , this study reconstructs the trajectory of the collective identity construction. The Fighters' Bulletin informed Gwangju citizens of the meaning and development of the Uprising and earnestly devoted itself to construct the collective identity of "we," defining the object and the subject of the resistance and guidelines for action. Concentrated on constructing the collective identity at the beginning, it tried to resist the stigmatic framing of the dominant discourses, to highlight the true meaning of the struggle. In the later stage of struggle, it devoted itself to investing in the emotional framing through the participants' willingness to sacrifice their lives for the struggle. It concludes that, even though the Gwangju Uprising was a failed 10-day long revolution, its collective identity, which was constructed and manifested through the Fighters' Bulletin, has been appropriated as a major framework for subsequent political struggles in South Korea. 相似文献