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991.
Jonathan S. Morris 《Political Behavior》2009,31(1):79-102
The intention of this analysis is to examine The Daily Show with Jon Stewart’s coverage of politics and assess the persuasive power of the program’s unique brand of humor. Evidence from a content analysis
of The Daily Show’s “Indecision 2004” coverage of the Democratic and Republican Party Conventions shows the program’s humor was much harsher
during the Republican Convention than it was during the Democratic Convention. While the humor in both conventions was heavily
based on self-deprecation and the exploitation of conventional political stereotypes, the ridicule of Republicans focused
much more on policy and character flaws. Humor pointed toward Democrats, on the other hand, tended to focus more on innocuous
physical attributes. Analysis of panel data collected by the National Annenberg Election Survey during the 2004 national party
conventions shows that exposure to The Daily Show’s convention coverage was associated with increased negativity toward President Bush and Vice-President Dick Cheney. These
relationships remain significant even when controlling for partisan identification and ideology. Attitudes toward the Democratic
ticket, John Kerry and John Edwards remained consistent. 相似文献
992.
Does public policy respond to public opinion? Previous research suggests dynamic representation occurs in the aggregate. Yet, most of the evidence for policy response is limited to the policy intentions of elected officials on issues related to more or less government spending. We examine policy response to an alternative dimension of public mood, public preferences for more or less punitive criminal justice policies, using multiple indicators of policy from various stages of the policy-making process. Criminal justice policy should be responsive to public preferences given the public’s concern about crime and the negative social construction of criminals. Thus, there is an electoral incentive for public officials to respond to public preferences along this alternative dimension of public sentiment regarding criminal justice policy. We estimate a DYMIMIC model of federal criminal justice policy as a function of the multiple dimensions of public policy mood using Kalman filtering. The results indicate that criminal justice policy responds to the second, not the first, dimension of public mood. We find evidence that policy-makers at multiple stages of the policy process are able to differentiate among multiple signals from the public and respond appropriately. The results present a more sophisticated portrait of democratic responsiveness. 相似文献
993.
Dallas Burtraw Jacob Goeree Charles A. Holt Erica Myers Karen Palmer William Shobe 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2009,28(4):672-691
Environmental markets have several institutional features that provide a new context for the use of auctions and that have not been studied previously. This paper reports on laboratory experiments testing three auction forms—uniform and discriminatory price sealed‐bid auctions and an ascending clock auction. We test the ability of subjects to tacitly or explicitly collude in order to maximize profits. Our main result is that the discriminatory and uniform price auctions produce greater revenues than the clock auction, both with and without explicit communication. The clock appears to facilitate successful collusion, both because of its sequential structure and because it allows bidders to focus on one dimension of cooperation (quantity) rather than two (price and quantity).© 2009 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management. 相似文献
994.
首都市民职业价值观状况研究报告 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
北京市社会科学院课题组 《北京行政学院学报》2009,(6)
2008年,北京市社会科学院对首都市民职业价值取向状况进行了专题调研,结果表明:首都市民珍视工作稳定性,职业理想倾向于个人经济利益和自我价值实现,崇尚不断创新、乐于敬业的职业精神和职业态度,体现了新时期积极向上、忠于职守的从业价值观,形成了由物质实现、自我实现向社会实现逐层递进的事业成功观,认同通过个人努力获取成功的事业进取现. 相似文献
995.
Although the use of truth and reconciliation commissions (TRCs) has grown considerably over the last 3 decades, there is still
much that we do not know concerning the choice and the structuring of TRCs. While the literature has focused primarily on
the effects of TRCs, we examine the domestic and the international factors influencing the choice of a commission in sub-Saharan
Africa from 1974 to 2003 using pooled cross-sectional time series. We find that states which adopted a TRC prior to South
Africa were generally repressive centralized regimes which used the truth commission as political cover. However, since South
Africa’s TRC, democratizing states have been more likely to adopt a truth commission as a form of transitional justice.
相似文献
Lilian A. BarriaEmail: |
996.
Bryan S. Turner 《Citizenship Studies》2009,13(3):289-296
Bernard Crick's contribution to citizenship studies can be regarded as part of the tradition so ably represented by T.H. Marshall. I want to argue in this brief article on Crick that on the one hand he is part of the ‘golden age’ of political philosophy that has flourished in the English-speaking world over the last two or three decades, but on the other his work also shows the limitations of that tradition, at least from the perspective of comparative and historical studies in political sociology. His work was unquestionably ‘local’ in its focus on the subject of Scottish independence and the viability of the British Isles under the governance of a multi-national state. 相似文献
997.
William F. S. Miles 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(4):505-519
It is understandable that Iran’s December 2006 hosting of an international conference casting doubts on the historicity of
the Holocaust would raise questions about treatments of the Shoah elsewhere in the Third World. In fact, indigenization the
Holocaust—the manifold ways in which serious scholars, activists, and writers from Asia, Africa, and Latin America have come
to incorporate the Holocaust in their intellectual work—has been positive overall. Within the framework of intellectual globalization,
much of the Third World intelligentsia has come to include this most Western of human rights violations within the framework
of their own cultures and histories. Although some of the indigenization of the Holocaust is political and instrumental, the
deviant variant expressed at the Tehran Holocaust conference is atypical. Governmental respect for the memory of victims of
genocide should be considered as an emerging human right. 相似文献
998.
999.
Donald A. Devito 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(3):275-276
How international organizations influence the domestic politics and foreign policies of states is often ignored in the study of international cooperation. This article develops an approach focusing on how states may influence the international agenda, which then shapes the position‐taking opportunities and constraints politicians face as they try to maintain their domestic political positions. This article is a preliminary exploration of how agenda setting works, what kinds of agenda‐setting strategies are available, and under what conditions agenda setting matters. Aspects of past secessionist crises will be used to clarify the discussion. The interaction between domestic position taking and international agenda setting will then be applied to the current crisis in Yugoslavia to determine why Greece, in particular, has been more influential than one might have expected. 相似文献
1000.
This article explores the emergent racialisation of Peruvian migrants as one element conditioning the labour segregation that characterises Peruvian insertion in Chile. We understand racialisation as a process of construction of categories in which both individual and collective actors participate, and whose expression is demonstrated by the differentiation and inequality that affects the racialised group. We tackle the articulation of racial differences among individual actors, both Chilean employers and Peruvian migrant workers, to suggest that the attribution of naturalised characteristics to migrants is related to segregation, mobility, and specific trajectories in the labour market. 相似文献