A new barrier to participation: Heterogeneous application of voter identification policies

In democratic societies there is a tension between maximizing ballot access and minimizing voter fraud. Since the 2000 presidential election, this tension has been central to discussions about election reform at the national, state, and local level. We examine this tension by focusing on the implementation of voter identification laws in one state that has experienced significant issues in recent elections, and that is currently implementing election reform: New Mexico. We hypothesize that Hispanic voters are more likely to show some form of identification than other types of voters. Using a voter data set from New Mexico's First Congressional District in the 2006 election, we find that Hispanic, male and Election Day voters are more likely to show some form of identification than non-Hispanic, female and early voters. In addition, using an overlapping study of Bernalillo County 2006 poll workers, which almost entirely overlaps with the First Congressional District, we find no evidence that differences in poll worker partisanship or ethnicity produce differences in voter identification procedures. Our findings suggest that broad voter identification laws, which may be applied unequally, may be perceived as discriminatory.     

Atherosclerotic and Hypertensive Cardiovascular Disease are Associated with Death at Sublethal Carboxyhemoglobin Levels: A Postmortem Study

Residential fires are a significant cause for morbidity and mortality in the United States. Death is often the result of soot and smoke inhalation causing carbon monoxide (CO) toxicity. The approximate lethal level of carboxyhemoglobin (COHb) in healthy adults has been well described. However, a significant number of medical examiner cases involve infirmed decedents, often elderly, with complex cardiovascular disease burdens. It is well known that death in these cases will occur at sublethal levels of COHb; however, increased lethality has been largely documented via anecdotal experience and lacks quantification. Fifty-five cases were identified where death resulted from smoke and soot inhalation suffered in a residential fire. The control group, with no cardiovascular disease, had an age-adjusted mean COHb level of 61.6% at the time of death. Presence of hypertensive cardiovascular disease showed a 30% reduction in COHb (age-adjusted mean 43.2%), atherosclerotic disease showed a 33% reduction (age-adjusted mean 41.5%), and combined disease presentation accounted for 41% reduction (age-adjusted mean 36.3%). When controlling for age, atherosclerotic and hypertensive cardiovascular diseases were each associated with statistically significant decreases in COHb (p < 0.01). Increasing age was associated with decreased COHb levels at 2.8% per 10 years of life (p < 0.01), even when modeled with hypertensive and atherosclerotic disease. These findings carry important public health significance, as well as practical significance for the medical examiner when interpreting COHb levels in cases of suspected deaths due to smoke and soot inhalation.     

Party Structure,Information, and Coalition Durability: The Relevance of NATO in the Global War on Terror

Using the test cases of Afghanistan and Iraq, this study illustrates how alliances work to mitigate the conflicting frames that party structure and media access provide in the Global War on Terror, which leads to more cohesiveness in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)–led coalition in Afghanistan as opposed to the U.S.-led coalition in Iraq. The approach utilized here extends the theory on alliance capability and uncertainty by arguing that alliances reduce uncertainty among member states on a strategic objective. This is particularly relevant when examining asymmetric, limited conflicts, where party structures and media access can work to disseminate conflicting frames to a domestic populace, who then can pressure their leader to withdraw from a coalition. The implications of these findings lend support to the continued relevance of NATO in the twenty-first-century security arena.     

Conspiracy Endorsement as Motivated Reasoning: The Moderating Roles of Political Knowledge and Trust

Given the potential political and social significance of conspiracy beliefs, a substantial and growing body of work examines the individual‐level correlates of belief in conspiracy theories and general conspiratorial predispositions. However, although we know much about the psychological antecedents of conspiracy endorsement, we know less about the individual‐level political causes of these prevalent and consequential beliefs. Our work draws from the extant literature to posit that endorsement of conspiracy theories is a motivated process that serves both ideological and psychological needs. In doing so, we develop a theory that identifies a particular type of person—one who is both highly knowledgeable about politics and lacking in trust—who is most susceptible to ideologically motivated conspiracy endorsement. Further, we demonstrate that the moderators of belief in conspiracy theories are strikingly different for conservatives and liberals.