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101.
102.
This Australian study explored the links between self-image, family structure (divorced or intact), parent–child relations, and gender at 3 intervals over 10 years during adolescence (mean ages 14.7 at Time 1, 17.9 at Time 2) to early adulthood (mean age 24.9 at Time 3). The sample comprised 37 families at the point of divorce when interviewed in 1981–82, and 41 intact families of similar age, gender, and socioeconomic background. Initial measures of self-image (Offer Self-Image Questionnaire: OSIQ) and parent–child relations (Parent Bonding Inventory: PBI) were repeated in 1985 and 1990–91. ANOVAs showed that divorced fathers were perceived as significantly less caring than those from intact families at each interval. There were no family group differences on the control scale, nor on either scale for mothers. Correlations between PBI scales and OSIQ were significant for the sample as a whole, but were stronger for those from intact than divorced families. ANOVAs showed that when mothers' and fathers' parenting styles were seen as highly caring and also not over controlling (i.e., optimal), adolescent self-image was significantly better, irrespective of gender or family structure. Examination of the joint influence of both parents showed that at Times 1 and 2 adolescent self-image was significantly better when one or both parents, compared with neither, were optimal. At Time 3, this comparison was significant only when both parents were optimal. Self-image was related to whether or not a custodial parent was seen as optimal but not to the gender of the child or custodial parent. 相似文献
103.
104.
Among Dr. Akbarzadeh's latest publications are Uzbekistan and the United States: Authoritarianism, Islamism and Washington's Security Agenda ( London: Zed Books, 2005) and Islam and the West: Reflections from Australia (Sydney: UNSWPress, 2005). Ms. Connor researches Islamic militancy in the West.1 相似文献
105.
In Ireland, the Constitution guarantees very strong rights to parents and the family, and there has been a long and unfortunate history of failures to adequately protect children at risk. As a result, there has been much discussion in recent years about the need to improve legal mechanisms designed to protect the rights of children. By comparison, little attention has been given to establishing whether the theoretically strong rights of parents translate into strongly protected rights in practice. This paper presents new empirical evidence on the manner in which child care proceedings in Ireland balance the rights and interests of children and parents, including the rates at which orders are granted, the frequency of and conditions in which legal representation is provided, and the extent to which parents are able to actively participate in proceedings. A number of systemic issues are identified that restrict the capacity of the system to emphasise parental rights and hear the voice of parents to the extent that would be expected when looking at the legal provisions in isolation. 相似文献
106.
Tony Burns 《政治学》2000,20(2):93-98
This article considers the nature of politics. Robinson Crusoe is used to show that even the broadest understanding of politics found in the literature is inadequate, for the situation of Crusoe on his island is a political situation even though he is completely alone. An analogy is drawn between the deep ecological understanding of politics and the moral philosophy of Immanuel Kant. For Kantian ethics, also, is built on the idea of a solitary individual who is at least existentially isolated. It is concluded that what makes any situation political is the fact that in it some policy is required. 相似文献
107.
Tony Burns 《Political studies》2000,48(5):929-946
This paper examines the role which the concept of natural law has to play in the political thought of Aquinas, as this is to be found in the Summa Theologiae . It focuses particularly on Aquinas's understanding of the relationship which exists between natural and positive law. It argues that Aquinas's views are inconsistent and that the Summa actually contains two quite different positions regarding this subject. One of these is inherited from the Stoic natural law tradition and the other from Aristotle. The former considers natural law to be a critical standard by means of which positive law can be evaluated by individuals, whereas the latter does not. On the contrary, it maintains that according to Aquinas the principles of natural law require interpretation, and that this interpretation is to be provided, not by the conscience of the individual moral agent, but by positive law. Focus on either one or the other of these two documents leads to quite different interpretations of Aquinas's political thought as a whole. One such interpretation sees Aquinas as being a distant forerunner of the liberal political tradition. The other associates Aquinas much more closely with the notion of authority and hence with conservatism in politics. The article concludes by commenting on the relevance of these different interpretations of Aquinas for the contemporary debate between liberals and communitarians. 相似文献
108.
Patrick C. Meirick Gwendelyn S. Nisbett Lindsey A. Harvell-Bowman Kylie J. Harrison Matthew D. Jefferson Tae-Sik Kim 《政治交往》2018,35(3):450-469
This study examined the relationships among newspaper ad watch coverage, ad tone, and the accuracy of political advertising. A sample of political advertisements (N = 160) was drawn from the Campaign Media Analysis Group (CMAG) database and other sources for eight U.S. Senate races. Two experts on each race evaluated the ads’ accuracy and their ideological portrayals of candidates, while trained coders analyzed other aspects of the ads. Ad watch coverage from these races (ad watch N = 109) also was content-analyzed. The number of ad watches overall in a race and the number that explicitly criticized ads were positively related with the level of accuracy of political ads and with a tendency to portray their favored candidates closer to their actual ideological position—but the overall number of ad watches also was positively related with a tendency for ads to portray opponents as more extreme than their positions warranted. Ad watches usually tend to scrutinize negative ads more, but ad watch coverage in this study was unrelated with ad tone and with the number of negative ads in a race. Positive ads were rated as more accurate but also more prone to exaggerate the supported candidates’ centrism compared to other ads. Normative and practical implications are discussed.
We’re not going to let our campaign be dictated by fact checkers.— Neil Newhouse, pollster for the Mitt Romney 2012 campaign 相似文献
109.
Deah S. Quinlivan Gary L. Wells Jeffrey S. Neuschatz Katherine M. Luecht Daniella K. Cash Kylie N. Key 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2017,32(3):236-246
Pre-admonition suggestion is an identification-relevant comment made to an eyewitness by a lineup administrator before the lineup admonition. Quinlivan et al. (2012) found that their suggestion inflated mistaken identification rates and retrospective identification. However, the suggestion used was a compound statement, making it unclear which component influenced choosing rates. The current experiment was conducted to parse out the effects. Participants (N = 211) viewed a crime video and received either one component of the compound suggestion (a suggestion to pick or that the witness had paid substantial attention), both components, or no suggestion. All participants received an admonition, made an identification choice, and answered questions about their witnessing experience. The results demonstrated that the pick suggestion increased mistaken identifications from a perpetrator-absent lineup whereas the effects of the attention suggestion were restricted to the retrospective judgments. These results show support for the role of secondary (non-memorial) processes in eyewitness identification. 相似文献
110.
The European Parliament (EP) has long been regarded as a positive force for environmental change in the EU, but there has been little detailed empirical scrutiny to determine whether its reputation as a green champion is deserved. Nor has there been any evaluation of the environmental impact of the increase in EP powers under co-decision. These oversights are rectified by an evaluation of the EP's amendments to environmental legislation using typologies that rank them in terms of their level of ecological commitment and importance. EP amendments proposed under three procedures of decision making are compared in order to determine whether recent increases in the EP's powers under the co-decision procedure have affected its ability and willingness to adopt 'green' amendments. It is clear that the EP has consistently tried to strengthen environmental legislation but there is some ambiguity as to whether co-decision has been good for the environment. 相似文献