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911.
John Church Neale Smith 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2006,49(4):486-505
Abstract: In 2000 the Government of Alberta passed legislation to regulate the activities of private health clinics in the provision of insured health services through contracts with regional health authorities. In seven years the interaction of ideas, interests, institutions, and external events forced the Government of Alberta to move from a non‐regulatory policy stance to a policy of stringent regulation. The legislation struck a balance among competing values relating to public and private sector roles, increased access and choice, regulation of the growth of public expenditures, and quality assurance. Sommaire: En l'an 2000, le gouvernement de l'Alberta a adopté une loi visant à réglementer les activités des cliniques de sante privées en matière de prestation de services de santé assurés par l'intermédiaire de contrats avec les offices régionaux de la santé. En sept ans, l'interaction d'idées, d'intérêts, d'institutions et d'événements externes a forcé le gouvernement de l'Alberta à passer d'une position de politique non exécutoire à une politique de réglementation rigoureuse. La loi établit un équilibre entre les valeurs opposées que représentent le rôle important du secteur privé, un accès et un choix accrus, la réglementation de la croissance des dépenses publiques et le contrôle de la qualité. 相似文献
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The High Court recently held that misrepresentation by silencecan constitute an actionable misrepresentation. A trader maymake a misrepresentation by failing to correct a self-inducedmistaken belief of a customer, where the trader takes advantageof that mistaken belief. Failure of a trader to disabuse customersof the impression that they are dealing with the brand ownermay be sufficient to constitute passing off. Brand owners welcomethis decision as it provides protection against new entrantsto the market who seek to piggyback on the success of theirbrand or trade mark. 相似文献
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In June 2001, the Federal Bureau of Prisons helped to carry out the execution of Timothy McVeigh for his role in the infamous 1995 bombing of the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City. The intense national and international media attention that the execution received was virtually unprecedented in the bureau's history, and it put the bureau in the difficult position of having to carry out two potentially conflicting responsibilities: facilitating coverage of the execution by hundreds of reporters, producers, and technicians, while maintaining the safety and security of the maximum security penitentiary in which the execution was held. Historically, the Bureau of Prisons has preferred to maintain a low media profile and had no experience managing a large-scale media event. This article examines how the bureau met this challenge by forming a partnership with the news media through the creation of a Media Advisory Group. It analyzes the goals, functions, and achievements of the Media Advisory Group by employing the Dawes model of interorganizational relationships. 相似文献
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Brian Smith 《Citizenship Studies》2019,23(5):424-441
The purpose of this paper is threefold. First, it seeks to give expression to the trends of an important debate that has not been formally articulated among anarchist theorists, namely whether or not the concept ‘citizenship’ can be meaningfully salvaged and repurposed. While many anarchist theorists have gestured at such a debate, the dimensions of this discourse have not been clarified. Secondly, in identifying the features of this debate, this paper seeks to show that citizenship can be meaningfully rehabilitated by the anarchist left. And finally, this essay seeks to provide some preliminary reasons why anarchist theories of citizenship may provide a fruitful partnership with theorists of citizenship today, especially those engaging in critical citizenship studies. 相似文献
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Benjamin Peterson J. Allegra Smith David Tannenbaum Moira P. Shaw 《Social Justice Research》2009,22(2-3):206-230
A new phenomenon, moral exporting (ME), is introduced to capture active attempts to promote certain views of morality to others. It was hypothesized that political conservatives would be more likely to exhibit ME, due in part to strong epistemic concerns for certainty that may become attached to the moral domain. Related items from the 1988 and 2006 General Social Surveys were analyzed, and new scales were developed to better assess ME and specific moral-related epistemic concerns (moral absolutism). In a second study, these scales were administered to a large college student sample along with measures of political ideology and need for closure (NFC). Results generally showed that political conservatism was strongly related to the new ME factor. Further analysis determined that both moral absolutism (MA) and NFC accounted for significant portions of this relationship, but that the specific epistemic construct (MA) was a more proximal mediator. Discussion centers on further distinguishing ME and MA from related constructs, as well as on future research and applications. 相似文献