Free press and fair trial: The role of behavioral research

The growth of mass media has complicated the relatioship between the courts and the media. Free press and fair trial rights are kept in balance by the use of judicial restraints and remedies such asvoir dire, change of venue, and gag orders. This balance has shifted back and forth during the past two decades. Current case law and legal codes are inconsistent and provide insufficient guidance to judges in their use of restraints and remedies. Nor is there a body of empirical research on the impact of news coverage and juror behavior capable of informing the courts at this time. In this paper, we review and critically assess the empirical social science literature as it pertains to the legal issues involving free press and fair trial. We argue that carefully conducted empirical research could provide important information to the courts. We suggest research directions and methodological caveats to increase legal relevance and scientific validity.     

Zu den Voraussetzungen einer naturschutzrechtlichen Abweichungsprüfung bei erheblicher Beeinträchtigung prioritärer Lebensraumtypen in einem Gebiet von gemeinschaftlicher Bedeutung (FFH-Gebiet) durch eine planfestgestellte Ortsumgehung (OU Hildesheim)

Ohne Zusammenfassung     

Rügemöglichkeiten gegen wasserwirtschaftsrechtlichen Planfeststellungsbeschluss bei “schwerer und unerträglicher” Eigentumsbetroffenheit

Ohne Zusammenfassung     

Determination of group specific component phenotypes in dried bloodstains by immunofixation on cellulose acetate.

Group specific phenotypes in dried bloodstains can be rapidly and reliably determined by immunofixation on cellulose acetate membranes. Up to 16 samples, can be analyzed simultaneously in less than 60 min, and the cellulose acetate electrophoretogram is retained as a permanent record.     

The future of conventional arms control

Dramatic changes in conventional military capabilities coupled with nuclear parity should greatly increase the importance of conventional military power as well as raise new opportunities and problems for arms control. Those changes are not yet widely appreciated and in fact, there is a lack of analytic tools by which to appraise their implications and importance.As an initial step to systematic analysis of the desirability and feasibility of conventional arms control agreements, this paper describes current trends in weapons development and evaluates alternative interpretations of the implications of those trends. The requirements of effective and reliable arms control agreements are then enumerated and a general assessment made of the difficulties in meeting those requirements.The conclusions reached are necessarily speculative in light of the limited data and the surprisingly sparse analysis available on the characteristics, combat effectiveness and complementary combat and supporting requirements of new conventional weaponry. However, available evidence suggests the imminent emergence of significantly greater incentives for larger conventional forces, for larger logistics and support bases, for surprise attack, and for campaign strategies that emphasize speed and high attrition on all sides. If true, these factors will increase pressures for larger military budgets while also increasing instabilities in arms competitions. They also should increase interest in arms control measures though the characteristics of new weapons technology may make designing such measures even more difficult than in the past.Prepared for delivery at the 1975 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, San Francisco Hilton Hotel, San Francisco, California, September 2–5, 1975.     

Intolerance and Political Repression in the United States: A Half Century after McCarthyism

What consequences for political freedom arise from high levels of political intolerance among the American public? Comparing surveys from 1954 to 2005, I document the level of perceived freedom today and consider how it has changed since the McCarthy era. Levels of intolerance today and in 1954 are also compared. Next assessed is whether restrictions on freedom are uniformly perceived or whether some subsections of the population are more likely to feel repressed than others. I find that while intolerance may have declined somewhat since 1954, perceived constraints on individual freedom have actually increased. These findings produce telling consequences for the subtheory of pluralistic intolerance. During McCarthyism, intolerance focused on the Left; today, many groups are not tolerated, so the loss of freedom is more widespread. Heretofore, many thought that pluralistic intolerance tended to be benign. At least in the case of the contemporary United States, it seems not to be.     

在新形势下必须继续保持和发扬党的艰苦奋斗精神

艰苦奋斗精神既是中华民族的优良传统，也是中国共产党长期以来形成的优良作风。80多年来，中国共产党保持和发扬艰苦奋斗的优良作风，团结全国各族人民，在不同的历史时期，战胜了无数的困难，取得了一个又一个的伟大胜利。历史表明，无论是过去、现在还是将来，艰苦奋斗精神都是中国共产党思想建设和作风建设的一项重要内容，同时也是新的历史时期实现社会主义现代化宏伟目标的根本保证。