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51.
The focus of this study was employees' destructive behavioral intentions (i.e., exit, neglect, and aggressive voice) as a result of perceived injustice. In order to get an indication of the generalizability of the results, two studies employing different methodologies were conducted among different samples: a survey study (Study 1) among 244 female maternity nurses from The Netherlands, and a vignette study (Study 2) among 71 male and 43 female employees from an international company in South Africa. Furthermore, the second study tested whether the effects of injustice on destructive behavioral intentions were mediated by state negative affect. Two models appear to fit the data well. The first model suggests that interactional injustice gives rise to negative behavioral reactions through an increase in state negative affect. The second model shows that procedural justice can buffer the negative effects of low distributive justice. Specifically, employees report more negative affect and, subsequently, a stronger tendency to leave the organization only when both distributive and procedural justice are low. The theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.  相似文献   
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Northern donors manage the Democratic Republic of Congo as though it were a company. Through aid, these donors identify and respond to key weaknesses in Congo's ability to operate economically within the global market. As it is a country that poses high threats (from infectious diseases, economic misconduct and a volatile political situation) and high opportunities (in terms of political influence over, and sale of, vast resources) decisions on aid are taken in accordance with Northern concerns, which dominate the definition of global security. In this way, economic decisions are incorporated into the pursuit of global security. Most aid goes to the health sector and is characterised by surveillance, not prevention or treatment, and a set of governance interventions that grant strategic influence in shaping the political economy of the country. These responses have functions in terms of global security; they also grant some returns to Congo, but neglect much and aggravate some forms of insecurity at a domestic level.  相似文献   
53.
Population frequency data for nine short tandem repeats (STR) (D3S1358, VWA, FGA, TH01, TPOX, CSF1PO, D5S818, D13S317 and D7S820) were determined from 280 unrelated Caucasians from the North region of Belgium (Flanders). The data were obtained using the AmpF/STR Profiler kit from Applied Biosystems.  相似文献   
54.
Gasoline on hands: preliminary study on collection and persistence   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
The identification of an arsonist remains one of the most difficult challenges a fire investigation has to face. Seeking and detection of traces of gasoline could provide a valuable information to link a suspect with an arson scene where gasoline was used to set-up the fire. In this perspective, a first study was undertaken to evaluate a simple, fast and efficient method for collecting gasoline from hands, and to assess its persistence over time. Four collection means were tested: PVC, PE and Latex gloves, as well as humidified filter paper. A statistical assessment of the results indicates that Latex and PVC gloves worn for about 20 min, as well as paper filter rubbed on hands, allow an efficient collection of gasoline applied to hands. Due to ease of manipulation and to a reduced amount of volatile compounds detected from the matrix, PVC gloves were selected for the second set of experiments. The evaluation of the persistence of gasoline on hands was then carried out using two initial quantities (500 and 1000 microl). Collection was made with PVC gloves after 0, 30 min, 1, 2 and 4h, on different volunteers. The results show a common tendency of massive evaporation of gasoline during the first 30 min: a continued but non-linear decrease was observed along different time intervals. The results of this preliminary study are in agreement with other previous researches conducted on the detection of flammable liquid residues on clothes, shoes and skin.  相似文献   
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Compared to the rest of Canada, Quebec has an ambitious and redistributive social model, which includes an elaborate set of Active Labour Market Policies (ALMP), with higher expenditures as a percentage of GDP, an encompassing coverage, and collaborative, multipartite governance arrangements. Since the 2008 recession, however, most OECD countries have implemented retrenchment measures, market enforcement, and individual action plans to their ALMP. Using provincial, federal, and OECD data and reports, this article maps the recent evolution of Quebec’s ALMP in light of these trends. Quebec’s model appears largely resilient, despite declining expenditures and modest concessions to conditionality in social assistance.  相似文献   
57.
This paper presents data from the analyses of political party web pages during the 2009 European Parliament elections in Estonia. It examines the presence and absence of web 2.0 features on the sites and aims to find out whether interactivity-based applications are used by parties to increase participation and to foster deliberative politics. Estonia as a small ex-Soviet country has emerged after the Soviet Union collapse as one of the most advanced e-societies in the world. Therefore, Estonia is chosen as a case study to explore whether and how decision makers use web 2.0 elements for fostering Habermasian dialogue between the citizens and the power holders in the society where technical obstacles for deliberative politics do not exist any longer. The results show that the Estonian parties still focus on the one-sided or top-down model of communication, based on web 1.0 features, even though all conditions for deliberation from the technical and infrastructural side in Estonia are fulfilled. The paper concludes with a discussion on the possible reasons parties might not be interested in using web 2.0 elements in their web campaign and how it might be linked to the conditions where citizens’ participation and interest in politics is low. There is also emphasis on the need for further systematic comparative research in order to draw conclusions on the changes in the online campaigning and political communication process in the era of cyber-democracy.  相似文献   
58.
This paper suggests a new approach to analyzing the causes of franchise extension. Based on a new dataset, it provides a detailed econometric study of the Great Reform Act of 1832 in the United Kingdom. The analysis yields four main results. First, modernization theory receives limited support. Second, the reform enjoyed some measure of popular support. Third, the threat of revolution had an asymmetric impact on the voting behavior of the pro-reform Whigs and the anti-reform Tories. While the threat might have convinced reluctant reformers among the Whig politicians—and among their patrons—to support the bill, it seems to have hardened the resistance to reform among the Tories. Fourth, ideology played a critical role. Nevertheless, it also appears that self-interest and political expedience explained the votes of many Members of Parliament.  相似文献   
59.
Many studies have shown that there are significant racial disparities in the application of death penalties. In this paper, three studies (N = 484, 94% female), conducted in France, test and explore why racial prejudice and support for the death penalty (SDP) are strongly and positively related. First, prejudice against Arabs remains a significant predictor of SDP, even when ethnocentrism/authoritarianism (Study 1) and Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA; Study 2) are statistically controlled. Second, the attribution of criminal traits to Arabs (Study 1) or criminality-based prejudice (Studies 2 and 3) significantly mediates the relationship between racial prejudice and SDP. Finally, a path analysis illustrates that two relatively independent processes could explain the relationship between prejudice towards Arabs and SDP: criminality-based prejudice leading to specific SDP for Arabs and Social Dominance Orientation (Study 3). Together, these results provide support for the racist punitive bias hypothesis. When racist people think about questions of crime and punishment, they frame the issue in racial terms, leading them to support a punitive law which in their minds will mainly punish minority racial groups.  相似文献   
60.
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