Spain: The Forward March of Podemos Halted?

Impressive electoral performances by Podemos in its first European, municipal and regional elections have not been sustained in the Spanish general elections of December 2015 and June 2016. In the context of government austerity policies and systemic political crisis, this radical left populist party has certainly attracted much support among youth and disadvantaged sectors, and had a great impact on Spain’s political life, yet so far Podemos has not managed to become the main alternative to the conservative Popular Party. Its alignment with the old United Left has proved unproductive and controversial. There have been tensions between the organizational centralism of the Podemos leadership and a desire for more decentralized expressions of radical politics in places such as Catalonia, as well as more generally from defenders of citizen politics or the original protest orientation of the party. For some currents of the left, Podemos has become too electorally oriented. Other critics point to a failure to reconcile left-wing objectives with the desire to capitalize on initial transversal appeal, extending beyond the traditional support base of the radical left. None the less, with Spain in a period of political stasis, there are still opportunities for Podemos to play a more influential role in the future, if it can address the challenges it faces without suffering schisms in the process.     

The Job Training Partnership Act: New Federalism in Transition

The Job Training Partnership Act of 1982 (JTPA) constitutedthe most recent, successful attempt by the Reagan administrationto devolve increased domestic program authority to the statesusing the block grant approach. Because of its heavy relianceon the participation of state governments and the private sector,JTPA may prove to be the real "acid test" of the Reagan NewFederalism. This article examines the implementation of JTPAin broad perspective. While preparations for the JTPA programbegan in most states during the early part of 1983, the programdid not really begin its first official program year until 1July 1984. After describing the major features of the act, thearticle focuses on the program's implementation. The analysisis based largely on the results of a nationwide study conductedunder the direction of the authors during 1984. The articleconcludes that, in terms of its legislative provisions and effectiveimplementation, JTPA has proved to be a "quasi-block grant"to the states.     

Book notes

Freedom in the World: Political Rights and Civil Liberties 1991–1992 by Freedom House Survey Team. New York: Freedom House, 1992. Pp.570; tables; ratings. £58.50 (hardback); £22.50 (paperback). ISBN 0 932 088 75 9 and 74 0

The Middle East and Problems of Democracy by Heather Deagan. Buckingham and Philadelphia, PA: Open University Press, 1993. Pp.152; index; bibliography. £37.50 (hardback); £12.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 335 and 15686 X

Nation‐building and Democratisation in Thailand: A Political History by Prudhisan Jumbala. Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Social Research Institute, 1992. Pp.144; index; bibliography; appendices. ISBN 974 582 219 1

Economic Reforms in New Democracies: A Social‐Democratic Approach by Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira, José María Maravall and Adam Przeworski. Cambridge: University Press 1993. Pp.227; index. £30 (hardback); £10.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 521 43259 6 and 43845 4

Post‐Socialist World Orders: Russia, China and the UN System by Robert Boardman. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1994. Pp.200; index. £35 (hardback). ISBN 0 312 10671 8

Regime Transitions, Elites and Bureaucracies in Eastern Europe by Hans‐Ulrich Derlien and George J. Szablowski. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1993. Pp.150; index; bibliography; appendices. £10.99 (paperback). ISBN 1 55786 522 1

Political Dissent and Opposition in Poland: The Workers’ Defence Committee ‘KOR‘ by Robert Zuzowski. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1992. Pp.295; index; bibliography; appendices. £58.95 (hardback). ISBN 0 275 94138 8

Debating the Constitution: New Perspectives on Constitutional Reform edited by Anthony Barnett, Caroline Ellis and Paul Hirst. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993. Pp.183. £39.95 (hardback); £11.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 7456 1199 0 and 1081 1

Quelling the People: the Military Suppression of the Beijing Democracy Movement by Timothy Brook. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Pp.x + 222; notes; bibliography, appendix. $27.50. ISBN 0 19 507457 2     

Democracy in microstates: why smallness does not produce a democratic political system

To fully understand the function of volatility in today's European democracies, it is necessary to employ the principal-agent model. Where democracy is exercised in the form of party government, then it is especially essential to enquire into how the electorate can monitor politicians. Electoral volatility may increase the responsiveness of the party system to the electorate and increase the accountability of politicians. Party system instability is persistently higher in the east European democracies than in western Europe. System transition in eastern Europe passes through the party system, as new parties enter the electoral arena. Political innovation in western Europe also passes through the party system, where new movements appear alongside the established parties. However, there are signs of decreasing volatility in the east, whereas volatility is on the rise in several west European democracies. There will be convergence between west and east European democracies: both will experience considerable volatility in the future. This is a positive gain for democratic vitality in Tingsten's conception. The level of party system fractionalization is already the same over the regions of Europe. The principal-agent model would favour several agents as well as agent switches, which means a moderate level of party system instability.     

The Cultural Foundations of the Modern Militia Movement

When Timothy McVeigh lit the fuse that fired the bomb that destroyed the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, OK on April 19, 1995, most Americans asked, "Why?" "Why," people wondered, "would anyone do such a thing?" This paper explores the way(s) in which key dimensions of American political culture support and inspire the kinds of hate and paranoia that culminated in Timothy McVeigh's horrible act. It is based on social movement theory's insight that challenges to the established order are informed by and shape the broader culture in which the challenge is pursued. Thus, in order to explore the relationship between culture and the militia movement, this paper focuses on militia ideology, circumstances of militia formation, and organizational structures. Each arena is shown to relate to and derive from the general character of public American political culture. Cumulatively, the cultural place of the militia is one of self-described individualists struggling against cultural opponents--the representatives of the New World Order. As Americans, militia members insist that only their specific brand of individualism is "real" Americanism. Thus their disputes with the federal government are not disagreements of policy, or interpretation, or degree. They are culturally-based conflicts over the meaning of America.     

The effects of an experimental intensive juvenile probation program on self-reported delinquency and drug use

In the late 1990s Ventura County, California, USA, implemented the South Oxnard Challenge Project (SOCP), designed to provide intensive, multi-agency services to youth on probation. SOCP built their program guided by Clear’s “corrections of place” model, which argued that community corrections could decrease offender risk by focusing on restorative principles rather than on coercion. SOCP was designed as a randomized experiment, comparing youths in the experimental group with those on routine probation. Researchers interviewed youths in both the experimental and control groups 1 year after random assignment. This article reports on self-reported crime and drug use, finding few significant differences across groups. Specifically, we find that SOCP youths were significantly more likely to indicate that they had committed a violent crime generally, although a majority of both groups indicated they had done so. We found that those in SOCP who robbed people also did so significantly more often than did the comparison group. In the control group, youths reported committing homicide significantly more often, but this was a rare event. Among those youths who reported taking part in gang or posse fights, those in the control group did so significantly more often. Finally, youths in the control group were significantly more likely to have used ecstasy on more days during the previous month than were those in the SOCP.

Environmental Impact Assessments in International Law

The purpose of this article is to assess what the current state of play with regard to environmental impact assessments (EIAs) is in international law. This question is posed because of the casual use of the term, and the often fundamental misunderstandings of what EIAs can and cannot do. This paper aims to clarify the current strength of EIAs in the international context, and provide guidance on how they may be applied.     

PARENTING COORDINATION (PC) PRACTICE: A SURVEY OF EXPERIENCED PROFESSIONALS

This study summarizes a survey of experienced North American parenting coordinators (PCs). The survey was modeled after a similar seminal study of child custody evaluators ( Keilen & Bloom, 1986 ) and seeks to establish a similar baseline standard in alternative dispute resolution (ADR) court‐sanctioned PC practices. Results reveal that PC is being practiced across North America by highly experienced practitioners that are multidisciplinary across legal and mental health professions who work by court order. These PCs work with a specific written PC agreement that specifies basis of authority, scope of authority, terms of service, retainer/fees, and grievance procedures. Results characterize PC as an increasingly established hybrid ADR court‐sanctioned role that is effective precisely because of accessibility to families, the unique knowledge base of the family law professional concerning the dynamics of divorcing families, and the court‐granted authority to help families resolve disputes that are generally more familial and psychological than legal in nature.     

Intergenerational Transmission of Violence,Threatened Egoism,and Reciprocity: A Test of Multiple Psychosocial Factors Affecting Intimate Partner Violence

A myriad of factors have been advanced to explain intimate violence. This study was undertaken to investigate the effects on intimate violence of three specific concepts: threatened egoism, violence in the family of origin, and reciprocity. Self-report questionnaires were administered to a randomly selected cluster sample of 423 participants, 147 males and 276 females. While no support was found for threatened egoism, both violence witnessed in the family of origin and reciprocity were found to significantly influence intimate violence. Analyses conducted separately for males and females indicated that these factors operate differently based on gender.