Let's Argue about Migration: advancing a right(s) discourse via communicative opportunities

The emerging global governance of migration is dominated by two discourses which shape policy approaches: 1) migration management and 2) the migration–development nexus. With large numbers of labour migrants being marginalised, migrant rights organisations have formed global alliances to argue for the centrality of a third discourse, the rights-based approach to migration. The question is how to inject this into the global debate which has sidelined migrant rights issues. Despite having hardly any bargaining power and restricted space for direct access vis-à-vis global governing institutions, migrant rights organisations are employing a number of strategies to overcome this marginalisation. We analyse these efforts by drawing on social movement studies and International Relations research on communicative action. Empirically this article draws on observations made during two major global fora: the negotiations in connection with the new Convention on ‘Decent Work for Domestic Workers’ at the International Labour Conference (ilc) and civil society participation in the Global Forum on Migration and Development (gfmd).     

Association between education and domestic violence among women being offered an HIV test in urban and rural areas in Kenya

The objective of this study was to examine the association between education and domestic violence among women being offered an HIV test in urban and rural areas in Kenya. A sample selection of women who experienced physical (n = 4,308), sexual (n = 4,309), and emotional violence (n = 4,312) aged 15 to 49 allowed for the estimation of the association between education and domestic violence with further analysis stratified by urban and rural residence. The main outcome of interest was a three-factor (physical, sexual, and emotional) measure for violence with the main predictor being education. Nearly half of all domestic violence, physical (46%), sexual (45%), and emotional (45%) occurred among women aged 15 to 29. After adjusting for confounding variables, women who resided in urban areas and had a postprimary/vocational/secondary and college/university education were 26% (OR = 0.74, 95% CI: [0.64, 0.86]), p < .001 and 22% (OR = 0.78, 95% CI: [0.66, 0.92]), p < .01 less likely to have experienced physical violence compared to those who had a primary education respectively. This was 17% (OR = 0.83, 95% CI: [0.73, 0.94]), p < .01 and 17% (OR = 0.83, 95% CI: [0.72, 0.96]), p < .05 less likely among women who resided in rural areas. A surprising finding was that women residing in rural areas with less than a primary education were 35% less likely to have experienced sexual violence (OR = 0.65, 95% CI: [0.43, 0.99]), p < .01 compared to those who had a primary education. These findings suggest that physical, sexual, and emotional violence were prevalent in Kenya among married and formerly married women. This study indicates that more research is needed to understand factors for HIV/AIDS among Kenyan women who have specifically tested positive for HIV or identified as AIDS-positive and the implications for women's health.     

The Government Agenda in Parliamentary Democracies

Lawmaking is a challenge for coalition governments because it inherently demands cooperation and compromise by parties with divergent policy goals. The jurisdictional system of cabinet government exacerbates the problem by providing parties the means to undermine the coalition bargain in the pursuit of their own policy interests. In this article, I explore whether arrangements that allow partners to police one another induce compromise on one of the most important decisions taken by a government—the organization of the policy agenda. In an analysis of original data on the timing and policy content of over 800 government bills from four European democracies, I show that coalition governments pursue a largely "accommodative" agenda. Policy initiatives dealing with issues that are more attractive to all partners in the coalition are likely to be given priority on the agenda, while those dealing with relatively unattractive issues are likely to be postponed .     

Book reviews

Tetsuya Kataoka, The Price of a Constitution: The Origin of Japan's Postwar Politics New York: Crane Russak, 1991, 237 pp.

Denis Lacorne, Jacques Rupnik, and Marie‐France Toinet, eds., The Rise and Fall of Anti‐Americanism: A Century of French Perception (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990), 258p.     

Violent recidivism and chronicity in the 1958 Philadelphia cohort

In the present study the relationship between chronicity and violent recidivism is analyzed using longitudinal data from the 1958 Philadelphia cohort. The data reaffirm prior research findings that a small cadre of offenders commits the majority of crimes which involve serious harm to the community, yet it was found that the violent offenders accounted for a large share of the more serious index offenses. In addition, among violent delinquents there is a greater proportion of chronic offenders than among nonviolent delinquents. Chronic offenders were more likely than nonchronic offenders to repeat a violent offense. Violent recidivists also committed a large proportion of nonviolent index offenses. One might imply from the results of this study that a policy of selective incapacitation of high-rate offenders would substantially reduce the amount of violent crime as well as nonviolent crime.     

Policing the Bargain: Coalition Government and Parliamentary Scrutiny

Policymaking by coalition governments creates a classic principal‐agent problem. Coalitions are comprised of parties with divergent preferences who are forced to delegate important policymaking powers to individual cabinet ministers, thus raising the possibility that ministers will attempt to pursue policies favored by their own party at the expense of their coalition partners. What is going to keep ministers from attempting to move policy in directions they favor rather than sticking to the “coalition deal”? We argue that parties will make use of parliamentary scrutiny of “hostile” ministerial proposals to overcome the potential problems of delegation and enforce the coalition bargain. Statistical analysis of original data on government bills in Germany and the Netherlands supports this argument. Our findings suggest that parliaments play a central role in allowing multiparty governments to solve intracoalition conflicts.     

Development and Validation of a Technique for Casting Anatomical Features and Toolmarks

Time may elapse between examination of marks inflicted on the body and comparison with a potential weapon. Two‐dimensional photographs may be inadequate for effective comparison of a three‐dimensional mark with a putative instrument. Taking a cast and producing a positive image results in a lasting three‐dimensional record. This project aimed to develop and demonstrate the accuracy of an easy technique for production of long‐lasting positive images (using plaster of Paris and dental alginate). Casts of facial features of embalmed cadavers were used to produce a positive image of the face (death mask). Measurements of distances between facial anatomical landmarks were compared with measurements of distances between the same landmarks on the death masks to assess accuracy of reproduction. There were no significant differences between cadaver and death mask in 6 of 9 measurements, indicating this technique has high accuracy with less mobile facial features, but produces deformation of pliable features.     

A Robust Transformation Procedure for Interpreting Political Text

Georg Vanberg Department of Political Science, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3265 e-mail: gvanberg{at}unc.edu (corresponding author) In a recent article in the American Political Science Review,Laver, Benoit, and Garry (2003, "Extracting policy positionsfrom political texts using words as data," 97:311–331)propose a new method for conducting content analysis. TheirWordscores approach, by automating text-coding procedures, representsan advance in content analysis that will potentially have alarge long-term impact on research across the discipline. Toallow substantive interpretation, the scores produced by theWordscores procedure require transformation. In this note, weaddress several shortcomings in the transformation procedureintroduced in the original program. We demonstrate that theoriginal transformation distorts the metric on which contentscores are placed—hindering the ability of scholars tomake meaningful comparisons across texts—and that it isvery sensitive to the texts that are scored—opening upthe possibility that researchers may generate, inadvertentlyor not, results that depend on the texts they choose to includein their analyses. We propose a transformation procedure thatsolves these problems. Authors' note: We would like to thank Ken Benoit, Michael Laver,three anonymous referees, and the editor for comments on earlierversions of this article.