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321.
Data gathered from a national survey of court managers are used to examine the centralized versus decentralized perspectives
recently developed in organizational theories of court administration. Two areas are examined in the research: administrative
decision making and job formalization. Utilizing discriminant analysis, it appears that few states are dominated by a single
management approach, and that in all likelihood the local norms and values influence the ways in which the courts are managed. 相似文献
322.
323.
Larry Samuelson 《Public Choice》1984,43(3):307-327
We construct a spatial election model in which candidates inherit initial positions in the strategy space, presumably from previous political activity, and they are restricted to strategies close to their initial positions. We establish sufficient conditions for the existence of an equilibrium. The equilibrium need not entail an expectation of a zero plurality for each candidate. We then apply this model to a sequence of elections in which a series of opposition candidates challenge incumbents. Given certain regularity conditions, the result will be an apparent incumbency advantage, corresponding to that observed in recent congressional elections. 相似文献
324.
325.
Efforts to measure decentralization have focused on political or fiscal autonomy, but not on administrative autonomy. Focusing on the education sector, we measured de facto subnational administrative autonomy across 64 countries/economies, via the domains of human resource management, salary management, budget management, and service content design. The findings reveal that subnational autonomy can differ substantially across those domains and within countries, and that the use of a single country-level indicator for administrative decentralization is inadequate. Furthermore, we show that administrative decentralization is as significant a factor as federal status in evaluating the degree to which a country/economy is decentralized or centralized. 相似文献
326.
One of Luther Gulick's most significant legacies was his conception of the executive. This chapter explores the nature and origins of that conception and shows how it coincided with President Franklin Roosevelt's notions for altering the powers of the presidency. These two conceptions came together in the Brownlow Committee's recommendations and their subsequent promulgation in the Executive Reorganization Act of 1939. Gulick's notions of an executive were derived from the city manager, a different executive than any with which the authors of the Constitution were familiar. It thus contributed to one of the most profound changes in our Constitution, reshaped our notion of the presidency, crystallized a new public philosophy about how we govern ourselves, and entrenched a conventional wisdom that underlies the practice of public administration. These results spawned an alliance between presidents, who found it useful to portray themselves as powerful chief executive officers buttressed by the potent symbols of science and efficiency and the nascent field of public administration which gained legitimacy as the obedient scientific managers of the president. An alliance, however, which could not survive the changes of constituencies that began to emerge in the late 1960s. The presidency has evolved from managerial to plebiscitary and finally to highly politicized with a variety of potentialities not all of which can be viewed as benign, but all of which leave public administration without a role that is simultaneously legitimate and which encompasses the complexity and discretion dictated by our circumstances. The chapter closes with lessons we might draw from Luther Gulick's life and apply to our efforts to fashion a new role for public administration in a government of shared powers. 相似文献
327.
SUMMARY In this article the authors use 1922, (a ‘true story’) to probe the social function of television in South Africa. In particular they examine the transformations effected on historical “fact” by the genre of docudrama and the kinds of preferred readings this offers television viewers. The popularity of this form, they suggest, is that in this world of uncertainty, the docudrama gives viewers both pleasurable access to, and a moral orientation towards, the ‘real’. 相似文献
328.
Robert A. Hoover Wayne Moyer William Rosenau W. Andrew Terrill James W. McKenney 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(1):81-87
Leonard S. Spector and Jacqueline R. Smith, Nuclear Ambitions: The Spread of Nuclear Weapons, 1989–1990 (Boulder: Westview, 1990), 450 pp, $49.95. David D. Newsom, Ed., The Diplomatic Record 1989–1990 (Boulder: Westview, 1991), 272 pp, $49.95. Roger Hilsman, American Guerrilla: My War Behind Japanese Lines (Washington, DC: Brassey's, Inc., with the Association of the United States Army Institute of Land Warfare, 1990), 312 pp, $12.95. Janne E. Nolan, Trappings of Power: Ballistic Missiles in the Third World (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1991), 210 pp, $29.95. Max G. Manwaring, Ed., Uncomfortable Wars: Toward A New Paradigm of Low Intensity Conflict (Boulder: Westview, 1991), 139 pp, $24.95. 相似文献
329.
Larry Patriquin 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(2):219-247
This article will attempt to explain why England's system of poor relief was not replicated in Scotland and Ireland until well into the nineteenth century. The difference rests on the development of a nation of wage-labourers in England, the result of agrarian capitalism, a process that was complete by the 1790s, at a time when the population of other European countries was overwhelmingly dominated by peasants. The unique class structure in England led from the 1530s onward to the creation of a poor relief system, state-provided welfare funded from taxation, a type of social assistance that was absent elsewhere. 相似文献
330.