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Major L. V. S. Blacker O.B.E. 《亚洲事务》2013,44(2):144-157
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E. O'Halpin 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(4):1-18
This article explores SOE plans to organise stay behind parties in neutral Ireland in cooperation with Irish army officers, in anticipation of a successful German invasion, as well as efforts to prepare for sabotage operations and to plant rumours through its agent Roddy Keith, and later through the British press attache John Betjeman. SOE's ambitions were opposed both by MI5 and SIS. MI5 wished to protect its own links with Irish intelligence, while SIS feared for the security of its covert Irish networks (which in fact were already penetrated). The consequent rows drew in C, Sir Frank Nelson, and other senior figures. They were resolved by Churchill, who felt that to provide the Irish with war material would only encourage them in their neutrality policy. His verdict was taken as an instruction to SOE to quit Ireland. 相似文献
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Suzanne Uniacke 《Law and Philosophy》2011,30(3):253-272
Proportionality is widely accepted as a necessary condition of justified self-defense. What gives rise to this particular
condition and what role it plays in the justification of self-defense seldom receive focused critical attention. In this paper
I address the standard of proportionality applicable to personal self-defense and the role that proportionality plays in justifying
the use of harmful force in self-defense. I argue against an equivalent harm view of proportionality in self-defense, and
in favor of a standard of proportionality in self-defense that requires comparable seriousness and takes into account the
wrong, as opposed simply to the harm that the victim is fending off. I distinguish the standard of proportionality in self-defense
from proportionality in circumstances of necessity, and I discuss whether proportionality is an internal or an external constraint
on the right of self-defense. 相似文献