The European Elections Study 1994

European Journal of Political Research -     

Real and perceived effects of changing the grant system from specific to general grants

The paper is based on a study of the 1993 Finnish grant reform, changing from a system with earmarked matching grants to a system with general, non-matching grants. The analysis of cross-sectional data confirms the “fly-paper effect” and also that matching grants have a stronger stimulating effect than non-matching grants on local expenditure. The fly-paper effect is then modified to take account of the distribution of power inside local government. The change to general grants without central government supervision might mean more power to the central management in the local government and a diminished power for sector officers and groups dependent on the sector services. Perceptions of principal actors in the local government budget process were that the reform changed the distribution of power, in some municipalities to the disadvantage of locally small weak groups that could benefit under the old system of earmarked matching grants.     

Increased adrenaline to noradrenaline ratio is a superior indicator of antemortem hypothermia compared with separate catecholamine concentrations

The significance of urinary catecholamines and small gastric mucosal bleedings, Wischnewsky's spots, in postmortem diagnosis of hypothermia deaths was evaluated. Autopsy cases (n=358) were divided into hypothermia, suspected hypothermia, and control groups. The catecholamine levels did not correlate with the length of the postmortem period. The adrenaline to noradrenaline ratio was most effective in detecting hypothermia (68.9% sensitivity, 78.1% specificity). The median adrenaline concentrations were significantly higher in hypothermia than in control groups. The control group containing mostly sudden cardiac deaths with no cold exposure had a noradrenaline level comparable to the hypothermia groups. The sensitivity and specificity of determining Wischnewsky's spots in hypothermia deaths were 63.9% and 88.3%, respectively. The adrenaline to noradrenaline ratio is more suitable in proving antemortem cold stress than either of these independently, and its diagnostic value is comparable to that of Wischnewsky's spots.     

Policy representation

Abstract This paper examines the extent to which conditions for the 'representative party government' model of representation exist in the EU. It suggests that, although application of the model is obviously limited, there is some support for its relevance. Using surveys of voters and candidates for the European Parliament the paper shows that some policy positions of representatives are constrained more by their party group than their nationality, and to some degree there is obvious congruence between the opinions of candidates and their voters. This is particularly so with respect to left–right orientation; far less with respect to European Monetary Union where elites appear much more enthusiastic than their electorates.     

Organizing interfaces between government institutions and interactive governance

Initiatives to encourage the involvement of citizens and NGOs in decision-making can be seen in a wide variety of countries. Interactive policy-making, citizen panels, citizen charters, new forms of participation and other forms are being used to increase the influence of citizens on decision-making. An important issue in scientific debate is the relationship between citizen participation and existing democratic institutions. The main question for this article therefore is: what are the possibilities and difficulties in creating interconnections between interactive governance and existing democratic institutions? We have conducted an action research project to organize this interconnection between an interactive governance project (Around Arnemuiden, Living with Water) and existing democratic institutions. We describe and evaluate the interface arrangements we created: political, executive, professional, and policy interface. The executive, professional, and policy interfaces turned out to be weak or moderate, while the political interfaces was strong. Executives and professionals are reluctant to actively involve and commit to interactive processes. The organization of the interconnection between interactive processes and existing representative democratic institutions is very difficult and needs constant maintenance.     

Does public criticism Erode trust in the police? The case of Jari Aarnio in the Finnish news media and its effects on the public’s attitudes towards the police

A significant part of the general public’s observations and image concerning the police comes through the mass media. It has been assumed that one factor affecting the level of trust is the way the media handles the police. This article describes the media uproar that arose in Finland in November 2013 about police misconduct, and its effects on the public trust in the police. Two hypotheses were tested in the study: (a) negative publicity always decreases trust, and so, too, in this case; and (b) a change in trust is affected by the public’s independent interpretation of the publicity battle, in which case criticism might also increase trust. The study materials comprise the news coverage concerning the uproar and four opinion surveys collected after it occurred. The first survey was conducted immediately after the press conference of the case in week 48/2013 and the other ones in three-week intervals. The results show that following the uproar, compared to the earlier results of the European Social Survey, trust in the police did not decrease—on the contrary, it increased slightly. Our results suggest that in this case a large part of the audience has taken, to use the term of Stuart Hall, the oppositional position when interpreting negative news about the police.     

Policy representation

This paper examines the extent to which conditions for the 'representative party government' model of representation exist in the EU. It suggests that, although application of the model is obviously limited, there is some support for its relevance. Using surveys of voters and candidates for the European Parliament the paper shows that some policy positions of representatives are constrained more by their party group than their nationality, and to some degree there is obvious congruence between the opinions of candidates and their voters. This is particularly so with respect to left–right orientation; far less with respect to European Monetary Union where elites appear much more enthusiastic than their electorates.