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124.
Brian Grodsky 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(3):281-297
While the study of transitional justice, and especially truth commissions, has gained in popularity over the past two decades,
the literature is overwhelmingly focused on activities in democratizing states. This introduces a selection bias that interferes
with proper analysis of causes and consequences of transitional justice on a global scale. In this paper, I discuss conditions
under which new repressive elites, and even old repressive elites who survive to rule and repress in nominally new systems,
may choose to launch broad investigations of the past. I argue that such a decision is based on two primary considerations,
the presence of internally or externally based incentives (e.g., foreign aid) and the level of political control enjoyed by
old elites in the new system. I apply this argument to post-Soviet Central Asia, including a detailed case study of Uzbekistan’s
1999 truth commission based on domestic media analysis and local elite interviews.
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Brian GrodskyEmail: |
125.
Mary Comerford Cooper 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2008,13(1):53-78
China’s distinctive set of stock market institutions was introduced in 1990. Among the characteristics of China’s stock markets
was a strict separation between different categories of investors. Listed companies issued different categories of shares
to state shareholders, domestic corporate investors, domestic individual investors, and foreign investors. By 2005, the barriers
segmenting China’s stock market had been significantly relaxed. Domestic investors were allowed to purchase shares previously
reserved for foreign investors, and approved foreign investors were allowed to purchase shares previously earmarked for domestic
individuals. Nevertheless, a crucial barrier remained. An ongoing debate among Chinese academics, investors, and policy makers
focused on how to resolve the “split share structure” (guquan fen zhi) in which a minority of shares were tradable while the
majority of shares (namely those reserved for domestic corporate and state shareholders) were excluded from the market. The
split share structure was blamed for distorting prices and inhibiting development of the stock market. This paper analyzes
the policy adopted to address the split share structure. To what extent does this policy change reflect new thinking on the
part of China’s market regulators? This paper argues that analysis of policy making in China’s capital markets can help to
distinguish between two competing assessments of China’s political economy. One account sees China pursuing a gradualist strategy,
slowly but steadily expanding the role of markets. Another account sees China trapped in a semi-marketized and increasingly
corrupt development pattern. The implementation of the split share structure reform program provides evidence to support the
gradualist account of incremental, but persistent, reform.
Mary Comerford Cooper is an assistant professor in political science at the Ohio State University. Her recent research focuses
on the politics of financial markets in China and Taiwan. Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Comparative
Politics Research Workshop/ Globalization, Institutions and Economic Security Workshop at Ohio State University in May 2007,
and at the annual meeting of the Association for Chinese Political Studies in July 2007. I benefited greatly from the constructive
and insightful comments of Bj?rn Alpermann, Melanie Barr, Jean-Marc Blanchard, Sarah Brooks, Joseph Fewsmith, Sujian Guo,
Dane Imerman, Ryan Kennedy, Marcus Kurtz, Xiaoyu Pu, James Reilly, Alex Thompson, Daniel Verdier, Jianwei Wang, Alan Wiseman,
Bin Yu, and an anonymous reviewer. I am also grateful for Lan Hu’s exceptional research assistance. All remaining flaws are
purely my own. 相似文献
126.
ABSTRACTThe questioning practices of Canadian lawyers were examined. Courtroom examinations (N?=?91) were coded for the type of utterance, the assumed purpose of the utterance, and the length of utterance. Results showed that approximately one-fifth of all utterances were classified as productive for gathering reliable information (i.e. open-ended, probing); less than one percent of all utterances were open-ended. Direct examinations contained more closed yes/no, probing, and open-ended questions. Cross-examinations contained more leading and clarification questions, and opinions. Moreover, cross- (vs. direct) examinations contained more questions with a ‘challenging the witness’ purpose. The longest utterances were opinions, followed by multiple and forced-choice questions. The longest answers were in response to open-ended questions, followed by multiple and probing questions. Implications for the truth-seeking function of the judiciary are discussed. 相似文献
127.
AbstractThe goal of this special issue is to highlight the importance of unconventional social policies, theorize their development in comparison with traditional welfare state accounts and outline a new research agenda. In this introduction to the special issue, the editors present the concept of social policy by other means as encompassing two kinds of unconventional social policy (from the point of view of mainstream comparative research): First, functional equivalents to formal systems of social protection and, second, non-state provision of benefits. The concept builds upon a sizeable, but fragmented literature in comparative welfare state research. While numerous examples demonstrate that social policy by other means is more pervasive in both OECD and non-OECD countries than often acknowledged, a brief survey of the top 20 articles in the field reveals that this fact is not sufficiently reflected in the academic literature. With reference to both existing studies and the contributions to this special issue, the editors go on to explore (1) the different forms of social policy by other means, (2) explanatory theories and (3) their effectiveness in terms of social outcomes. They close by outlining a research agenda. 相似文献
128.
Laura García-Moreno 《Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies》2017,23(2):195-215
La presencia recurrente del color rojo en La ocasión de Saer desempeña una función desestabilizadora en relación a la representación figurativa. En el artículo se establecen analogías entre esta función y el elemento voluble, no mimético de la pintura que el pensador e historiador de arte, Georges Didi-Huberman, denomina como “pan” en contraste con el detalle, categoría asociada con el carácter icónico de la pintura. Al igual que el “pan”, las manchas rojas en la novela apuntan a la dimensión de lo real que se resiste a la legibilidad y señala los límites de la narrativa realista. Saer se vale de contrastes cromáticos para aludir a tensiones políticas y epistemólogicas y a las paradojas de escribir una novela situada en el siglo diecinueve pero incorporando la experiencia literaria del siglo veinte. 相似文献
129.
Bolzani Daniela Munari Federico Rasmussen Einar Toschi Laura 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2021,46(2):335-365
The Journal of Technology Transfer - Universities show an increasing commitment to stimulate science- and technology-based entrepreneurship with the aim of contributing to societal and economic... 相似文献
130.
Laura M. Argys Daniel I. Rees Dominic J. Brewer 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1996,15(4):623-645
Schools across the country are ending the practice of grouping students based on ability, in part, because of research indicating that tracking hurts low-ability students without helping students of other ability levels. Using a nationally representative survey conducted by the National Center for Education Statistics, (NCES) we reexamine the impact of tracking on high school student achievement through the estimation of a standard education production function. This approach allows us to control for the possibility that track is correlated with factors such as class size and teacher education. In addition, we address the possibility that there are unobserved student or school characteristics that affect both achievement and track placement. Our results indicate that abolishing tracking in America's schools would have a large positive impact on achievement for students currently in the lower tracks, but that this increase in achievement would come at the expense of students in upper-track classes. 相似文献