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911.
Van Acker  Frank 《African affairs》2004,103(412):335-357
For almost 18 years, the so-called ‘Lord’s ResistanceArmy’ (LRA) has waged war on the Ugandan government andits own people, the Acholi. The robustness of the conflict indicatesthat the forces working against peace outstrip those workingfor it. Analysis of the conflict is often reduced to describingthe LRA rebellion as the handiwork of a religious fanatic. However,the social disorder that the National Resistance Movement, ledby current President Museveni, inherited in 1986 after the downfallof the Acholi-led Okello regime, contained the root causes forcontinued insurgency. These were amplified by external circumstancesthat created the operational leeway for rebellion, gatheringforce in the absence of a credible Acholi political leadership.A deliverance couched in religious discourse resolved the quandary.The emergence and transformation of the LRA can be made comprehensibleonly in relation, or even in opposition, to the emergence anddownfall of the Holy Spirit Mobile Forces (HSMF) as a radicalstructure of rejection. Millenarian religious justificationcontextualizes violence and the use of terror as a means ofimmobilization and control of the population. As the characterand composition of the LRA evolved to include the kidnappingof children, and as the terror escalated, the insurgency becameincreasingly ensnared in a web of internal contradictions. Theresult is that the LRA has exacerbated the process of dehumanizationthe HSMF first set out to counter.  相似文献   
912.
The PRC and Taiwan are competing to gain diplomatic recognition from Pacific Islands states, a number of which recognise Taiwan and serve as a barrier to its international isolation. Since much of Oceania is in Australia’s sphere of influence, this struggle has often involved Canberra. This paper focuses on the intensifying conflict–with conclusions about the local political economic situations of the countries in Oceania that are most likely to switch recognition, the dilemmas that the issue poses for Australia and its alliance with the US, and the game theory of these auctions of diplomatic recognition. The rental of recognition is analysed as a “sovereignty business” in which some Pacific Islands states engage—similar to the offshore financial centres which are prevalent in the region. Anthony van Fossen is Senior Lecturer in Social Sciences in the School of Arts, Media and Culture and member of the Griffith Asia Institute at Griffith University. He has written extensively about the Pacific Islands, particularly in relation to its offshore financial centres and ‘sovereignty businesses’. His most recent book is South Pacific Futures: Oceania Toward 2050 (Brisbane: Foundation for Development Cooperation, 2005), the first comprehensive survey of expert views of the future of the region.  相似文献   
913.
This study contributes to our understanding of the differences in work motivation between the public and private sectors. Data from a survey of 3,314 private sector and 409 public sector employees in Belgium strongly confirm previous research showing that public sector employees are less extrinsically motivated. Differences in hierarchical level are more important determinants of work motivation than sectoral differences. In addition, most observed differences can be wholly or partially explained by differences in job content, not by the sector itself. Evidence is presented to show that motivational differences can be explained by a positive choice of work–life balance.  相似文献   
914.
This focus group took place at the Università di Napoli ‘L'Orientale’ and was structured around recent female migration patterns in the south of Italy. The discussion included academics, artists, and care workers. The condition of women migrants was seen as one of precarity in the two main contexts we discussed: work and places of encounter. In an effort to move away from the purely material dimension of migration and deal with its emotional and creative sides, many facets of the question of being away from home and creating a new home were fleshed out: expectations, defence mechanisms, nostalgia, stereotyping, racism, and multiculturalism. Participants raised a wide range of issues and proposed different perspectives which also point to larger tensions and challenges in gender and race relations.  相似文献   
915.
We present a dynamic model of endogenous interest group sizes and policymaking. The model integrates ‘top-down' (policy) and `bottom-up' (individual and social-structural) influences on the development of interest groups. Comparative statics results show that the standard assumption of fixed-sized interest groups can be misleading. Furthermore, dynamic analysis of the model demonstrates that reliance on equilibrium results can also be misleading since equilibria may be unstable. Complicated dynamics may then emerge naturally, leading to erratic time patterns for policy and interest group sizes. Our model can endogenously generate the types of spurts and declines in organizational density reported in empirical studies.  相似文献   
916.
Research into electoral participation has produced two traditions, one focusing mainly on individual level explanations while the second concentrates primarily on aggregate level explanations. By bringing these two research approaches together, we are not only able to explain individual electoral participation more thoroughly, but we also gain additional insight into the influence of aggregate level characteristics on individual behavior. We combine eight National Election Studies held in the Netherlands between 1971 and 1994 enabling us to study variation on the individual and the contextual (aggregate) level, including interactions between these two levels. Findings show that the addition of contextual characteristics form a significant improvement to an individual level model predicting electoral participation. Findings also confirm our expectation that the influence of individual characteristics such as education or political interest is dependent upon contextual characteristics describing for instance the salience of the election.  相似文献   
917.
This study examined the role of pubertal development on depression, externalizing behavior problems, self-esteem, and body-image of 951 Mexican early adolescents. The 5th through 7th grade students were assessed at the beginning and end of the school year. The main finding of this study is that the acute experience of menarche adversely affected Mexican adolescent girls psychological well-being, most specifically in terms of depressive symptomatology. On the other hand, pubertal change in Mexican boys, as measured by voice-change, did not appear to adversely affect psychological well-being above and beyond a nonsignificant minimal and temporal readjustment and in fact had a positive effect on body-image. Results suggest that perceived maternal control, prior social–emotional adjustment, and menstrual attitudes may moderate the effects of pubertal change.  相似文献   
918.
This article presents and discusses the state of the art in political science research on welfare state reform. While scholars first aimed at explaining the emergence and growth of the welfare state, national variation in its development, and crises of welfare state regimes, more recently the focus has shifted to the persistence and reform of the major welfare state institutions. Research in this direction has typically adopted an institutionalist perspective, stressing how institutional settings affect the feasibility and direction of reforms. These studies have shed light on important aspects of the question, in particular by demonstrating the role of path dependency and veto players in reform processes, but suffer from two main problems, namely the difficulty of defining the dependent variable in an appropriate way, and the neglect of the importance of power resources.  相似文献   
919.
Public Choice - This study shows why the conventional wisdom that cities with ward elections will spend more than cities with at-large elections is too simple and explains why the empirical...  相似文献   
920.
The experiences of the U.S. and of Italy in government credit programs are compared by their forms of assistance as well as in budgetary and accounting aspects. Public consensus and political implications in the two countries underly the different paths and foci, offering other perspectives for consideration of the current U.S. federal credit reform efforts.  相似文献   
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