全文获取类型
收费全文 | 875篇 |
免费 | 44篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 71篇 |
工人农民 | 56篇 |
世界政治 | 78篇 |
外交国际关系 | 55篇 |
法律 | 425篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 9篇 |
政治理论 | 211篇 |
综合类 | 13篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 12篇 |
2022年 | 9篇 |
2021年 | 12篇 |
2020年 | 28篇 |
2019年 | 29篇 |
2018年 | 53篇 |
2017年 | 49篇 |
2016年 | 50篇 |
2015年 | 36篇 |
2014年 | 32篇 |
2013年 | 128篇 |
2012年 | 37篇 |
2011年 | 28篇 |
2010年 | 27篇 |
2009年 | 16篇 |
2008年 | 32篇 |
2007年 | 31篇 |
2006年 | 26篇 |
2005年 | 32篇 |
2004年 | 40篇 |
2003年 | 19篇 |
2002年 | 18篇 |
2001年 | 18篇 |
2000年 | 15篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 10篇 |
1997年 | 10篇 |
1996年 | 6篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 6篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 7篇 |
1990年 | 4篇 |
1989年 | 10篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 9篇 |
1986年 | 5篇 |
1985年 | 8篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1982年 | 8篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 4篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1977年 | 3篇 |
1973年 | 3篇 |
1968年 | 2篇 |
1967年 | 4篇 |
1964年 | 2篇 |
1963年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有919条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
881.
Explaining Levels of Local Government Involvement in Service Delivery: The Dynamics of Cross‐Sector Partnerships in Malawi 下载免费PDF全文
This study explores how local governments and their development partners—that is, donors, non‐governmental organisations and private companies—structure their partnerships as they work together to provide services to communities. Cases of collaboration between four organisations working in the rural water supply sector and six local governments in Malawi are studied. Using a cross‐case qualitative methodology, we illustrate how power and control translate into practices, leading to different levels of local government involvement in service delivery. This study contributes to the literature on cross‐sector partnerships in particular by developing empirically‐based propositions that help explain the dynamic trajectories that partnerships between local governments and their development partners can take. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
882.
Laurence Piper 《Citizenship Studies》2015,19(6-7):696-713
This article argues that we should take more seriously the role of intermediaries in relationships between states and citizens in the global south. More specifically it holds that the practice of mediation, the third party representation of citizens to states and vice versa, is a widespread and important political practice in this context. Largely distinct from the contentious politics and popular mobilisation of social movements, mediation is more a politics of negotiation and bargaining by representatives. Developed as an emergent analysis from multiple case studies, mediation is a broad concept that includes practices that at other times might be described as lobbying, clientelism and coercion, but that we conceptualise in terms of claiming legitimacy to speak for the poor and marginalised, and theorise in terms of a democratic deficit between formal political institutions and these groups. In addition to identifying different kinds of mediators, the article categorises mediation in terms of the orientation and nature of various mediatory practices. Lastly, the article identifies at least three explanations for mediation including the endurance of pre-democratic political relations and practices, new forms of social exclusion in post-colonial democracies and the erosion of state authority brought about by neo-liberal policies and globalisation. 相似文献
883.
Luisa Pèrcopo 《社会征候学》2013,23(1):125-141
This paper moves away from ‘‘orientalist’’ visions of the island of Cyprus as the island of Aphrodite, the goddess of love and beauty, and looks at the wounds contemporary Cyprus still bears 36 years after its partition. The UN-controlled ‘‘Green Line’’ divides the island into a northern and southern side and its barbedwire and decaying infrastructure renders the violence of the partition and its traumatic consequences impossible to forget. This paper is about dividing lines and impenetrable walls separating territories and nations; it is about ways of remembering and forgetting and about possible routes of overcoming physical and psychological rifts through hopeful representations of friendly cohabitation. In particular it looks at the potential transformations of the Green Line through a reclamation project into a healing inter-communal memory space (Gritching 2010); and provides a close reading of the 1993 film-documentary Our Wall by Panicos Chrysanthou and Niyazi Kizilyürek underlining its significance and influence as counter-discourse to the silence and the re-memorialisation of the years before partition. Both the ‘‘Green Line project‘‘ and Our Wall underline the importance of memory-embedded representations in the emerging genre of ‘‘postcolonial utopianism’’ (Ashcroft 2009), as positive active tools to energise the hope for peace and reconciliation. 相似文献
884.
Tiebout predicted that differences in service provision and tax rates across regions would lead citizens to migrate to their preferred jurisdiction. This central tenet of the fiscal federalism literature has rarely been explored outside the North American context. This paper delves into this gap in the literature by examining the factors that undermine Tiebout's prediction. It undertakes an international comparative analysis drawing upon recent innovations in the measurement of internal migration that facilitate country comparisons. While some of Tiebout's ideas find limited support, the overall weight of evidence suggests a weak link between internal migration and decentralisation 相似文献
885.
Political scientists from the Southern Cone have enriched the discipline with pioneering work. Many of them went into exile for political reasons, and thus produced part of their work abroad. Although Latin American political science has professionalized since the 1980s, many scholars still emigrate for study and employment. Argentines most numerously seek academic careers abroad, while Brazil has many more domestic doctorates and returns home after doctoral studies abroad. Uruguayans emigrate in proportionally high numbers and tend to settle in Latin American countries, while the number of Chileans and Paraguayans abroad is minimal. These contrasting patterns are explained by reference to factors such as the availability of high‐quality doctoral courses, financing for postgraduate studies, and the absorptive capacity of national academic markets. Paradoxically, the size and performance of the diasporas may increase rather than reduce the visibility and impact of national political science communities. 相似文献
886.
William Avilés 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(8):1549-1564
Military coups and coup attempts, as well as the establishment, or continuation, of economic/social development roles for the military far outside traditional security missions have been a part of civil–military relations in Ecuador and Venezuela since 1990. The military's greater role in Ecuador and Venezuela has in part been a consequence of the failure of neoliberal and globalist policy coalitions to establish and maintain a hegemonic consensus over political power and national policy. This failure has undermined progress in orienting the military in a ‘democratic’ direction that prioritises traditional security roles under the ultimate command of civilian authorities. It has also allowed for competing models of civil–military relations to emerge that draw upon nationalist or socialist models of military power and democracy. 相似文献
887.
Laurence Cooley 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(3):541-558
It has become common to regard consociational democracy as a method of managing conflict in ethnically divided societies but little attention has been paid to its applicability to societies where the primary political cleavage is between secular and religious forces. This article seeks to redress this imbalance by examining the applicability of consociationalism to the case of the Palestinian Territory. We argue that, while Palestinian society is characterised by ‘pillarisation’ along a secularist/Islamist cleavage, formal power-sharing between the representatives of the two main Palestinian factions, namely Fatah and Hamas, has proved elusive. However, rather than seeking to explain the seeming inability of the factions to share power by reference to the nature of the cleavage, as other authors have done, we instead highlight the contextual factors that have made power sharing difficult to achieve, namely the difficulties Hamas and Fatah face in accepting each other as political partners, and opposition from external actors. 相似文献
888.
889.
Michèle M. Schlehofer Suzanne M. Phillips 《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2013,41(2):55-60
Experiential learning is a useful teaching tool in the undergraduate community psychology classroom. In addition to improving student outcomes, experiential learning is particularly relevant for community psychology, as it aligns with several core values of the field and can prompt not only student learning, but also civic engagement, social justice, and community betterment. In this article, we provide an overview of the themed issue on “Experiential Teaching Practices in Undergraduate Community Psychology.” The issue contains a variety of experiential teaching examples that fall into three clusters: (a) individual and group service-learning exercises; (b) using community experiences to augment in-class learning outside of a service-learning context; and (c) ways of having students draw on prior out-of-class or in-class community experiences to increase student understanding. 相似文献
890.
Susana Borrás 《Economy and Society》2013,42(4):594-610
Abstract This article argues that effectiveness and legitimacy are two inseparable issues for the success of economic governance systems. Moving beyond the conventional market failure and state failure approaches, the article develops the notion of network governance success, a notion that looks at the formal and informal dimensions of interactions in economic systems. This is further developed into an analytical framework which is then used in the assessment of the structural features of the current European patent system, one of the most advanced, complex, and contested economic systems in Europe. The conclusions elaborate on the normative implications regarding the current weaknesses of the European patent system, and examine the general theoretical implications of the findings, particularly looking at the effectiveness and legitimacy of technically complex governance systems. 相似文献