Risk factors for potential occupational exposure to HIV: A study of correctional officers

This study examined social determinants that explain correctional officer exposure to blood/bodily fluids. Seasoned officers in five prisons were selected at random to complete an anonymous mail survey regarding situations which may have placed them at risk for exposure to HIV while at work. Institutional variables more strongly predicted officer chances of occupational exposure in a corrections setting than did perceptual and individual level variables, particularly the custody level of inmates supervised, length of time in the corrections career, and being in a position of rank. Years of experience increased the number of exposures to blood and bodily fluid, and increased officer apprehensiveness concerning uses of force with seropositive inmates. Knowledge about HIV and the frequency of use of personal protective equipment was not related to the likelihood of encounters with blood or bodily fluids.     

Letting the good times roll: A theory of voter inference and experimental evidence

This paper examines inference and attribution in a simple and ubiquitous strategic situation: a voter is faced with discerning whether a leader worked on his or her behalf after observing an informative, but noisy signal about the leader's performance. We characterize perfect Bayesian equilibria, quantal response equilibria (QRE), and provide a simple model of a heuristic-based approach, referred to as strategic naivete, within a wide class of such environments. We also discuss experiments conducted to examine human behavior within such an environment. While it is clear that the observed behavior is inconsistent with perfect Bayesian equilibrium, distinguishing between QRE and strategic naivete will require further work. We conclude with a discussion of the broader implications of probabilistic and/or heuristic-based attribution processes for electoral politics and political economy.     

A Behavioral Theory of Electoral Structure

Why are party systems in modern democracies so essentially robust? We theorize patterns of electoral competition as the outcome of a struggle between entropy and structure. Forces of entropy entail idiosyncratic voting behavior guided by subjective evaluations, while forces of structure entail coordinated behavior emerging from objective aspects of party preference. Our model locates determinants of party preference on a continuum spanning subjective and objective concerns. Entropy is endemic but elections for nationwide executive office periodically prime objective concerns, reinstating structure in party systems. We demonstrate the cyclical pulse of national elections in a comparative analysis of pseudo-randomized survey data from the European Election Studies since 1989. We also show how feedback from differently-sized party systems consolidates different working equilibria.     

Hierarchy Amidst Anarchy: A Transaction Costs Approach to International Security Cooperation

This article provides an interest-based explanation for hierarchy in international politics. The study suggests that—even in a self-help system—self–interested actors voluntarily curtail their sovereignty to obtain needed assurances, yet that these actors have a choice among cooperative security arrangements with different degrees of "bindingness." The key to understanding countries' international institutional choices is in focusing on economic theories of organization and, more specifically, transaction costs. The study begins with the conceptualization of a continuum of cooperative security arrangements with different degrees of bindingness. It then examines different bodies of literature—the traditional realist model and economies–of–scale arguments—and claims that both fail to account for hierarchical security structures in the international system. Recognizing that economists explain hierarchy amidst market anarchy by examining transaction costs, the study makes use of this insight by developing an analogous argument for hierarchy in international politics. Finally, to test the propositions advanced in this article, a brief case study examines plans for the creation of a European Defense Community.     

Exploring officers' acceptance of community policing: Implications for policy implementation

Organizations interested in implementing community policing should be cognizant of the attitudes of line officers toward this policy due to the fact line officers are responsible for implementing community policing on the street level. Successful implementation of organizational change may rely on identifying individuals who are most supportive of community policing. What remains unclear is what factors are related to officers' acceptance of community policing. This research examined the factors related to acceptance of the community policing philosophy. Surveys were administered at roll calls by researchers to a total of 445 officers of all departmental ranks. It was found that officers who supported informal problem-solving tactics perhaps involving agencies outside the police department, and officers who were non-White were more likely to support concepts of community policing. At the same time, several factors, which presumed to be related to community policing, did not materialize, including previous work on structured problem-solving projects, rank, education, and desire for autonomy. Explanations and policy implications are discussed.     

Seeing is believing: observer perceptions of trait trustworthiness predict perceptions of honesty in high-stakes emotional appeals

Instantaneous first impressions of facial trustworthiness influence the manner in which observers evaluate ensuing information about stranger targets [e.g. Porter, S., &; ten Brinke, L. (2009). Dangerous decisions: A theoretical framework for understanding how judges assess credibility in the courtroom. Legal and Criminological Psychology, 14, 119–134. doi:10.1348/135532508X281520]. In two studies, we examined the association between perceptions of general trustworthiness and honesty assessments in an extremely high-stakes sample – individuals publicly pleading for the return of a missing relative, half of whom had killed the missing individual. In Study 1, observers (N?=?131) provided trustworthiness ratings – either before or after viewing and evaluating the honesty of videotaped or audio-only pleas – for a still image that depicted a neutral expression on the face of each pleader. In Study 2, observers (N?=?220) evaluated the sincerity of audio pleas paired either with an untrustworthy-looking target, a trustworthy-looking target, or no target face. Collectively, our findings indicated that first impressions of trait trustworthiness form the basis of state judgments of honesty, potentially contributing to misguided credibility assessments and miscarriages of justice in the legal system.     

Placing Racial Stereotypes in Context: Social Desirability and the Politics of Racial Hostility

Past research indicates that diversity at the level of larger geographic units (e.g., counties) is linked to white racial hostility. However, research has not addressed whether diverse local contexts may strengthen or weaken the relationship between racial stereotypes and policy attitudes. In a statewide opinion survey, we find that black‐white racial diversity at the zip‐code level strengthens the connection between racial stereotypes and race‐related policy attitudes among whites. Moreover, this effect is most pronounced among low self‐monitors, individuals who are relatively immune to the effects of egalitarian social norms likely to develop within a racially diverse local area. We find that this racializing effect is most evident for stereotypes (e.g., African Americans are “violent”) that are “relevant” to a given policy (e.g., capital punishment). Our findings lend nuance to research on the political effects of racial attitudes and confirm the racializing political effects of diverse residential settings on white Americans.     

‘I am an American’: protesting advertised ‘Americanness’

How are citizenships and nationalisms constructed, connected, and contested in the post-9/11 USA – performatively, affectively, and visually – and how do their relationships figure ‘Americanness’? This article takes up this question (1) by tracking how Americanness was advertised in the American Ad Council's ‘I am an American’ campaign and (2) by introducing the multimedia project ‘I am an American’: Video Portraits of Unsafe US Citizens, which engages the Ad Council's campaign as a practice-based protest of the Ad Council's advertised ‘Americanness’. The article traces how the Ad Council's campaign advertises what Evelyn Alsultany calls ‘diversity patriotism’. It also constructs a complex, mobile system of differentiation that marks some citizens as ‘safe’ and others as ‘unsafe’, which runs counter to the idealized notion of a unified ‘Americanness’ that it advertises. The article then examines how the practice-based protest project ‘I am an American’ takes these ‘unsafe citizens’ – US citizens who either will not or cannot make their differences normatively conform to the national ideal of the ‘One’ composed of the ‘Many’ propagated by the Ad Council's campaign – as its point of departure to reflect upon how citizenship protests function for and against citizenship, nationalisms, and various figurations of Americanness.