首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   4840篇
  免费   222篇
各国政治   297篇
工人农民   185篇
世界政治   439篇
外交国际关系   335篇
法律   2110篇
中国共产党   2篇
中国政治   81篇
政治理论   1570篇
综合类   43篇
  2023年   29篇
  2022年   23篇
  2021年   43篇
  2020年   79篇
  2019年   111篇
  2018年   165篇
  2017年   164篇
  2016年   169篇
  2015年   111篇
  2014年   135篇
  2013年   795篇
  2012年   118篇
  2011年   148篇
  2010年   133篇
  2009年   154篇
  2008年   152篇
  2007年   148篇
  2006年   141篇
  2005年   154篇
  2004年   133篇
  2003年   124篇
  2002年   143篇
  2001年   108篇
  2000年   106篇
  1999年   91篇
  1998年   67篇
  1997年   78篇
  1996年   50篇
  1995年   71篇
  1994年   73篇
  1993年   68篇
  1992年   60篇
  1991年   72篇
  1990年   47篇
  1989年   60篇
  1988年   37篇
  1987年   46篇
  1986年   51篇
  1985年   52篇
  1984年   39篇
  1983年   54篇
  1982年   47篇
  1981年   62篇
  1980年   39篇
  1979年   43篇
  1978年   43篇
  1977年   22篇
  1976年   35篇
  1974年   23篇
  1973年   21篇
排序方式: 共有5062条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
191.
When people talk about their lives, people lie sometimes, forget a little, exaggerate, become confused, and get things wrong. Yet they are revealing truths … the guiding principle for [life histories] could be that all autobiographical memory is true: it is up to the interpreter to discover in which sense, where, and for what purpose. (Passerini Passerini and Luisa. 1989. “Women's Personal Narratives: Myths, Experiences, and Emotions”. In Interpreting Women's Lives: Feminist Theory and Personal Narratives. Eds. Personal Narrative Group and Joy Webster Barbre 197Bloomington: Indiana, UP Print [Google Scholar] 197)  相似文献   
192.
Do contemporary Bulgarian and Romanian radical right movements represent a legacy of interwar fascism? We argue that the key element is not that interwar movements provided legacies (of structures, ideologies, or organizations) but rather a symbolic “heritage” that contemporary movements can draw upon. The crucial legacy is, rather, the Socialist era, which in asserting its own definitions of interwar fascism created a “useable past” for populist movements. The Peoples’ Republics created a flawed historical consciousness whereby demonized interwar rightist movements could be mobilized after 1989 as historical expressions of “anti-Communist” — and, ergo, positive symbols among those of anti-Communist sentiment. Although radical right parties in both countries may cast themselves as “heirs” to interwar fascism, they share little in common in terms of ideology. Their claims to a fascist legacy is, rather, a factor of how their respective Socialist states characterized the past.  相似文献   
193.
194.
In this note, new data concerning the agrarian structure of Bangladesh are employed to test the efficacy of ceilings on the size of landholdings as a means of making land available to the landless and the near landless. The data confirm that the numbers of potential claimants for land far exceeds the potential supply, even if ceilings on holdings were lowered from 100 standard bighas (331/3 acres) to 25 standard bighas (81/3 acres).  相似文献   
195.
196.
197.
198.
199.
Aaron James 《Ratio juris》2017,30(3):239-258
This paper suggests that “systemic risk” (e.g., of financial market collapse, or of ecological calamity) has a distinctive kind of moral significance. Two intuitive data points need to be explained. The first is that the systematic imposition of risk can be wrongful or unjust in and of itself, even if harm never ensues. The second is that, even so, there may be no one in particular to blame. We can explain both ideas in terms of what I call responsibilities of “Collective Due Care.” Collective Due Care arguably precludes purely aggregative cost‐benefit decision‐making and requires one kind of “precautionary” attitude in public choice.  相似文献   
200.
The entry and exit of ministers has been of primary interest to students of political science and public management in Western countries. Responding to the lack of research on the entry and exit of ministers in non‐Western countries, this article examined determinants of both the entrance and exit of ministers in Korea from the life cycle point of view based on the Korean Ministerial Database from 1980 to 2008. We argued that as the Korean presidency shifts from an imperialistic to a democratic presidency, ministerial appointments in Korea also seem to shift from an expertise‐focused to a politics‐focused approach. Likewise, the primary resignation reason also shifts from policy failure to political reasons. We also argued that Korean presidents use their power to reshuffle cabinet ministers too often for their political interests. As a result, Korean ministers spend too little time in post; average tenure is now down to about one year. These short terms in office dilute a minister's ability to dictate departmental policy.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号