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141.
Paul W. Thurner Michael Stoiber Cornelia Weinmann 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2005,46(4):552-574
We investigate the informal bilateral transgovernmental relations between equivalent ministries of EU member states during the preparation of the Intergovernmental Conference 1996. Starting point of this analysis is the hypothesis of a growing importance of transnational and transgovernmental relations as a cause and a result of European integration. Whereas these proclaimed tendencies have been extensively researched with regard to economic interdependencies and transnational relations of societal actors, networks of the administrative and bureaucratic elites have been rather neglected. Applying diverse concepts of network analysis, we identify the hitherto latent informal network structures of the governments. The overall configuration can be described as a mixture of a centre-periphery structure and cohesive blocks. The gradual center-periphery structure consists of a “triumvirate” of the powerful member states (Germany — France — Great Britain) and smaller states, and is characterized by a clear north-south dimension. The costs of informal coordination are mainly borne by the large member states as well as by “brokers” (Austria, BeNeLux, Finland, Sweden). 相似文献
142.
Recent research has tried to uncover the political space in which the Council of Ministers of the European Union decides. Rather than the left-right conflict or a cleavage between governments with national and supranational attitudes, this article shows that a redistributive dimension, decisively shapes the interactions in this most important legislative body of the European Union. In contrast to extant studies, we employ ex ante rather than ex post preference data and rely on correspondence analysis as a means to identify the underlying dimensions of contestation. The article concludes with an empirical investigation of how enlargement will affect the emerging political space within the European Union. Our quantitative analysis suggests that the gulf between net-contributors and net-receivers will further deepen. 相似文献
143.
Prior to the leadership of Margaret Thatcher, traditional academic assumptions about the British Conservative party focused on its emphasis on party unity, the centrality of loyalty to the party, and its ideological pragmatism in the pursuit of power. The leadership of her successor, John Major, was undermined by disunity, disloyalty and ideological conflict, which contributed to the Tory party's removal from power. The ideological implosion of one the most disciplined and electorally successful parties in Western Europe, has stimulated considerable academic appraisal. This article considers the design and utilisation of the ideological typologies of contemporary British conservatism that have been used by academics to help explain the nature of this ideological conflict. By analysing these developments in typological design, we can enhance our understanding of the ideological realignment of contemporary British conservatism in the immediate post-Thatcherite era. 相似文献
144.
145.
This paper investigates the impact of fiscal institutions on state government borrowing costs. We find that institutions have both a direct and indirect effect on interest costs paid by state governments. Revenue limits are associated directly with higher interest costs; expenditure limits, stricter balanced budget rules, and restrictions on state debt issuance are indirectly associated with lower interest costs because they lead to higher credit ratings. It appears that investors and bond raters incorporate information on fiscal institutions into their assessment of state government credit quality. 相似文献
146.
Recently, we proposed an original statistical model for forecasting general elections in the United Kingdom, based on the observation of a few key indicators of the political and economic system. That vote function model was tested against the results of the 2001 general election. Here we evaluate the results of that test, and offer an appropriately revised model for the forecasting of the upcoming 2005 general election. According to our forecast, a Labour victory appears the most likely outcome. 相似文献
147.
148.
This study investigated the relationship between social information processing (SIP) and both relational and overt, physical
aggression in a longitudinally-followed sample of 228 adolescent girls (ages 11–18; 140 with ADHD and 88 comparison girls).
During childhood, girls participated in naturalistic summer camps where peer rejection, overt physical aggression, and relational
aggression were assessed via multiple informants and methods. Approximately 4.5 years later, these girls participated in follow-up
assessments during which they completed a commonly-used vignette procedure to assess SIP; overt and relational aggression
were again assessed through multiple informants. Correlations between (a) overt and relational aggression and (b) maladaptive
SIP were modest in this female adolescent sample. However, relationships between aggression and SIP were stronger for the
comparison girls than for the girls with ADHD. The relevance of SIP models for adolescent girls and clinical implications
of findings are discussed.
相似文献
Amori Yee MikamiEmail: |
149.
Christopher Gibson Michael Woolcock 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2008,43(2):151-180
The salience of the concept of “empowerment” has been deductively claimed more often than carefully defined or inductively
assessed by development scholars and practitioners alike. We use evidence from a mixed methods examination of the Kecamatan
(subdistrict) Development Project (KDP) in rural Indonesia, which we define here as development interventions that build marginalized
groups’ capacity to engage local-level governing elites using routines of deliberative contestation. “Deliberative contestation”
refers to marginalized groups’ practice of exercising associational autonomy in public forums using fairness-based arguments
that challenge governing elites’ monopoly over public resource allocation decisions. Deliberative development interventions
such as KDP possess a comparative advantage in building the capacity to engage because they actively provide open decision-making
spaces, resources for argumentation (such as facilitators), and incentives to participate. They also promote peaceful resolutions
to the conflicts they inevitably spark. In the KDP conflicts we analyze, marginalized groups used deliberative contestation
to moderately but consistently shift local-level power relations in contexts with both low and high preexisting capacities
for managing conflict. By contrast, marginalized groups in non-KDP development conflicts from comparable villages used “mobilizational
contestation” to generate comparatively erratic shifts in power relations, shifts that depended greatly on the preexisting
capacity for managing conflict.
Christopher Gibson is a Ph.D. student in sociology at Brown University. His research interests include comparative political economy, participatory democracy, contemporary sociological theory, qualitative methodology, and long-run causes of development and inequality in large developing countries. He is currently exploring the relationship between democratic participation and redistribution in Kerala, India. Michael Woolcock is professor of social science and development policy, and research director of the Brooks World Poverty Institute, at the University of Manchester. He is currently on external service leave from the World Bank’s Development Research Group. 相似文献
Michael Woolcock (Corresponding author)Email: |
Christopher Gibson is a Ph.D. student in sociology at Brown University. His research interests include comparative political economy, participatory democracy, contemporary sociological theory, qualitative methodology, and long-run causes of development and inequality in large developing countries. He is currently exploring the relationship between democratic participation and redistribution in Kerala, India. Michael Woolcock is professor of social science and development policy, and research director of the Brooks World Poverty Institute, at the University of Manchester. He is currently on external service leave from the World Bank’s Development Research Group. 相似文献
150.
Same-sex Versus Other-sex Best Friendship in Early Adolescence: Longitudinal Predictors of Antisocial Behavior Throughout Adolescence 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This study examines the relationship between having other-sex versus same-sex best friends and antisocial behavior throughout
early adolescence. Participants (N = 955) were recruited in 6th grade and followed longitudinally through 7th, 8th, and 11th grades. Participants were 58% ethnically
diverse youth and 48% girls. Results indicate that the frequency of other-sex best friendship remained stable from 6th to
7th grade but significantly increased from 8th to 11th grade. Higher rates of concurrent antisocial behavior were related
to having other-sex best friends in 6th grade but not in 7th grade. In 8th grade, there was an interaction between friendship
and the sex of friends. Boys with only same-sex best friends and girls with other-sex best friends endorsed higher rates of
antisocial behavior. Having other-sex best friends predicted antisocial behavior from 6th to 7th grade and 8th to 11th grade,
especially for girls. Implications for the development of early adolescent friendship and antisocial behavior are discussed.
相似文献
Elizabeth A. Stormshak (Corresponding author)Email: |