Adolescents and television

This study was divided into two parts. The first part consisted of an investigation of the frequency of television viewing among a sample of 2302 15-year-olds in 12 comprehensive schools. Subjects were divided into two groups, high and low frequency viewers, according to their own estimate of viewing time. The general picture which emerged (with some overlap of scores) was that high frequency viewers tended to be more neurotic and introverted; less intelligent; had less favorable attitudes to school; were less likely to think sport was important; were more likely to be bored in their leisure time; and possessed different social attitudes than low frequency viewers. The second part of the study investigated the program preferences of a subsample of over 900 subjects drawn from the main study. Little difference was found in the program preferences of high and low frequency viewers, but clear differences of preference were found between the sexes.Received his Ph.D. from the University of Aberdeen. Main research interests include social factors influencing education, adolescence, sports psychology, community education, and social psychology.Received her M.Ed. from the University of Aberdeen. Main research interests include community education and television.     

Family Policy Past As Prologue: Jimmy Carter,the White House Conference on Families,and the Mobilization of the New Christian Right1

The White House Conference on Families both exemplified the contested nature of “family policy” since the late nineteenth century and inaugurated the latest phase in the venerable invocation of “family values” as a tactic for political mobilization. In 1976 presidential candidate Jimmy Carter proposed a White House Conference on the American Family in order to shore up support among cultural conservatives, especially Roman Catholics. Four years later, after much debate within the Carter administration as well as in the country at large about what constituted a legitimate family, three sessions of a White House Conference on Families were held. Cultural moderates, feminists, gays rights activists, devout Catholics, and evangelical Protestants disagreed vehemently about policies ranging from legalized abortion to family leave. Following a long though little known tradition, women were especially active among grassroots conservatives. Ultimately conservatives mobilized much more effectively than their liberal and moderate opponents, and they quickly made restoration of family values an effective wedge issue for the new Christian right and the Republican party. In many ways, the debate over family policy in the early 21st century still echoes that of the 1970s—or the 1930s or the 1910s.     

Applying social psychology: The case of redistributions in unified Germany

Large redistributions between West and East will be necessary within the unified Germany for a long time. The perceived justice of these redistributions is discussed, applying theory and evidence from social justice research and research on prosocial behavior. Views about just distributions and entitlements vary according to the preferred principles of distributions and according to attributions of responsibility for existing inequalities. It is, hypothesized that acceptance of redistributions in West Germany depends on whether the East is seen as having been unjustly disadvantaged after World War II when it was assigned to the influence sphere of the Soviet Union. This fact can be considered in analogy to an exploitation of the East by the West. On the other hand, the economic, problems in the East may also be considered self-inflicted by the former communist regime. A key question is what the attitudes of the population in the former GDR had been toward the communist regime. If the population is considered the victim of the regime, it is entitled to get support; if it is considered to have been sympathetic toward the regime, this is not the case. Acceptance of redistributions depends not only on their justice but also on their efficiency. The relative weight of justice and efficiency depends on the reasons given for the support. If support means repaying debts that were accumulated during the preceding period of being undeservedly privileged in the West, justice will remain the dominant criterion. If support is justified by actual neediness of the East, it will only be granted as help to self-help. Claims for discontinuity of support are expected if it will not be efficient in a near future. Some dangers concerning the integration of the two populations are outlined by listing some potential conditions for a growing distance and reciprocal discrimination up to a reciprocal ethnification between the Eastern and the Western populations.     

International trade policy in Israel: Another model — Reply

The aim of this study was to examine the tariff structure in Israel in terms of the four main theoretical models of endogenous commercial policy. The empirical results for levels of protection in Israel support several of the models. In particular the pressure group model performs well and especially the variable that represents the lobbying power of the Histadrut/public sector in Israel. This is consistent with the longstanding political power of the Histadrut in Israel. The Histadrut's role in the Israeli economy rises above the western concept of a labor union and takes on a quasi-governmental function. The clearest example of this elevated status is seen when the government included the Histadrut as part of the commission charged with the responsibility of carrying out the nominal liberalization process of the 1960s. Evidently it is this kind of political-economic power that allowed the Histadrut to affect the level of protection Histadrut-dominated industries received.The displacement costs model is also supported suggesting that officials, when deciding on tariff rates, are sensitive to the displacement costs (e.g., amount and average duration of unemployment), associated with different levels of protection for various industries. This result stands in contrast to the goals set out in the New Economics Policy of 1962 discussed earlier. Apparently tariff setting authorities desired to increase efficiency by reducing protection but were also willing, perhaps for political reasons, to trade off lower displacement costs with higher tariff rates.