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271.
Dana D. Dehart Robert J. Kennedy Leslie K. Burke Diane R. Follingstad 《Journal of family violence》1999,14(1):19-34
This study examines factors associated with the high attrition rate in treatment programs for men who batter. In accord with past research, we expected demographic variables of age, race, employment status, relationship status, and socioeconomic status to predict attrition. We also hypothesized that attitudinal and personality variables, as well as contextual/program variables, might account for attrition more parsimoniously. Specifically, we hypothesized that attrition would be predicted by frequency and severity of violence, denial of a problem with violence, rigidity of thinking, low levels of self-disclosure, and higher anxiety and constriction in social situations. In addition, we predicted attrition would relate to dependency, maladaptive personality styles, and expectations regarding group counseling (e.g., whether treatment is perceived as aversive). Finally, we proposed that attrition would relate to whether batterer participation in treatment was self-motivated or the result of external pressures. Participants were 61 men enrolled in a batterer treatment program in a mid-sized city. Analyses of variance and discriminant analyses indicated that program attrition was unrelated to demographic, attitudinal, or personality variables. Only the contextual/program variables of mileage traveled to attend and external monitoring of attendance significantly differentiated treatment rejecters, drop-outs, and treatment continuers. Findings are discussed with regard to intrinsic and extrinsic motivational factors. Future directions for exploration are discussed. 相似文献
272.
Keun-Wook Paik 《Asia-Pacific Review》2005,12(2):58-70
Russia has been deprived of the chance of becoming a major oil and gas supply source for the Northeast Asian region due to the combination of several factors, in particular by the absence of pipeline infrastructure in the area. Moscow made its first significant decision to construct an energy transportation infrastructure development by 2008, even though it is only the first stage of the 4,000 km long distance pipeline. If the development is made as planned, the Northeast Asian region is set to witness a massive crude oil flow from East Siberia and a sizable LNG export from the Sakhalin Islands before the end of this decade. The Moscow authority is supposed to make a final decision on the long distance natural gas pipeline before the end of 2005. If timing of the supply of pipeline gas to Bohai Bay areas is missed and consequently a massive LNG supply is arranged for North China, a significant delay of pipeline gas introduction to the Northeast Asian region will be inevitable and the price may have to be borne by the region's LNG consumers. 相似文献
273.
Roseanna Michelle Heath Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson 《American journal of political science》2005,49(2):420-436
This article explores how new groups can be marginalized after they gain representation in the legislature. We use data from six Latin American legislatures to examine the effect of institutional and political factors on how traditionally dominant male political leaders distribute scarce political resources—committee assignments—to female newcomers. In general, we find that women tend to be isolated on women's issues and social issues committees and kept off of power and economics/foreign affairs committees as the percentage of legislators who are women increases, when party leaders or chamber presidents control committee assignments, and when the structure of the committee system provides a specific committee to deal with women's issues. Thus, to achieve full incorporation into the legislative arena, newcomers must do more than just win seats. They must change the institutions that allow the traditionally dominant group to hoard scarce political resources . 相似文献
274.
275.
Evaluation appointment orders provide enforceable scaffolding for conduct of family court parenting plan evaluations, and use of the evaluator's reports, feedback, file, and testimony. Unlike a contract, a stipulated or adjudicated appointment order is directly enforceable by the family court. It unambiguously positions the evaluator as the family court's appointee – answerable directly to the court and, in some jurisdictions, protected by quasi-judicial immunity from damages claims. A well-crafted appointment order governs the roles and expectations of the court, the evaluator, the parties, the lawyers, and the collateral witnesses. An appointment order mandates the legal duties, rights, powers, and responsibilities of the professionals, the parties, and the collateral witnesses. At minimum, an appointment order articulates the legal basis for the appointment, the purpose and scope of the evaluation, compensation of evaluator, and the duty of the parties to participate in the process. A written evaluation protocol or procedures statement discloses in advance the methods of investigation and assessment that the evaluator intends to use. Together, the appointment order and written protocol help the evaluator, lawyers, parents, and judge manage the complexity of the evaluation process. 相似文献
276.
277.
Various scholars have noted the priority given to law in the politics of hate violence; violence is the problem and law, more
specifically the criminal law, the solution at the ‘heart’ of society. This article seeks to explore some of the gaps and
silences in the existing literature and politics that mobilize these ideas and associations. It is the gap sand silences associated
with demands for and expectations of criminal justice that will be the particular concern of this article. The demand for
law is examined by way of David Garland's recent work on the culture of crime control. His work offers an analysis of the
contemporary place of crime control in Anglo-American liberal democracies. A distinctive feature of his analysis is to be
found in the way it maps an important paradox of contemporary crime control; its political centrality and an increasing recognition
of its limitations. Garland's ‘criminology of the self’ and the ‘criminology of the other’ raise some important challenges
for those who advocate resort to crime control. My particular concern is to consider the significance of Garland's work for
a contemporary sexual politics that puts violence and criminal justice at the heart of that politics. Feminist, gay and lesbian
scholarship first on criminal justice and second, on violence and law will be used to develop a critical dialogue with Garland's
analysis and to reflect upon the challenges raised by his insights into contemporary crime control.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
278.
The development of sex offender residence restriction legislation was predicated on the assumption that sex offenders pose an increased risk to the public. The goal of such legislation was to create “sex-offender-free” zones in an effort to decrease sex offenders’ access to potential victims. Such legislation prohibits registered sex offenders from residing near landmarks where children are known to congregate. Empirical evidence thus far has failed to demonstrate that residing near these landmarks contributes to sex offenders’ ability to access victims, and may actually be doing more harm than good. The current study questions the rationale behind the implementation of residence restrictions and if this rationale is consistent with the realities of victim selection and sexual offending among incarcerated sex offenders. The sample consisted of 270 males incarcerated in a New Jersey correctional facility. The results demonstrate that most sex offenders resided within a 2,500-foot restricted landmark zone. However, after examining the methods sex offenders used and examining how far they traveled to meet or establish contact with their victims, residing near restricted landmarks did not contribute to victim selection. Of the 270 sex offenders, the offense patterns consistent with many residence restrictions were applicable to less than 1%. 相似文献
279.
280.
Constance A. Flanagan Amy K. Syvertsen Sukhdeep Gill Leslie S. Gallay Patricio Cumsille 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(4):500-518
The role of prejudice and ethnic awareness in the civic commitments and beliefs about the American social contract of 1,096
(53% female) adolescents (11–18 year olds, Mean = 15) from African-, Arab-, Latino-, and European-American backgrounds were
compared. Ethnic awareness was higher among minority youth and discrimination more often reported by African- and Arab-Americans.
Parental admonitions against discrimination were heard by all but African Americans, Latinos and those who reported prejudice
heard that it could pose a barrier. Adolescents’ beliefs that America is an equal opportunity society were negatively associated
with experiences of discrimination and African-Americans were least likely to believe that the government was responsive to
the average person. With respect to civic goals, all youth endorsed patriotism but ethnic minorities and ethnically aware
youth were more committed to advocating for their ethnic group and European-Americans were less committed than were African
Americans to improving race relations.
相似文献
Patricio CumsilleEmail: |