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111.
Jack S. Levy 《Political science quarterly》2002,117(4):697-698
112.
113.
Erica L. Romsos M.F.S. Julie L. French M.S. Mark Smith B.S. Vincent Figarelli B.S. Frederick Harran M.S. Glenn Vandegrift Lilliana I. Moreno Ph.D. Thomas F. Callaghan Ph.D. Joanie Brocato Ph.D. Janaki Vaidyanathan M.S. Juan C. Pedroso A.A. Andrea Amy B.S. Stephanie Stoiloff M.S. Victor H. Morillo P.S.M. Karina Czetyrko P.S.M. Elizabeth D. Johnson M.S. Jessica de Tagyos M.S.F.S. Ashley Murray B.S. Peter M. Vallone Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(3):953-959
Three commercially available integrated rapid DNA instruments were tested as a part of a rapid DNA maturity assessment in July of 2018. The assessment was conducted with sets of blinded single-source reference samples provided to participants for testing on the individual rapid platforms within their laboratories. The data were returned to the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) for review and analysis. Both FBI-defined automated review (Rapid DNA Analysis) and manual review (Modified Rapid DNA Analysis) of the datasets were conducted to assess the success of genotyping the 20 Combined DNA Index System (CODIS) core STR loci and full profiles generated by the instruments. Genotype results from the multiple platforms, participating laboratories, and STR typing chemistries were combined into a single analysis. The Rapid DNA Analysis resulted in a success rate of 80% for full profiles (85% for the 20 CODIS core loci) with automated analysis. Modified Rapid DNA Analysis resulted in a success rate of 90% for both the CODIS 20 core loci and full profiles (all attempted loci per chemistry). An analysis of the peak height ratios demonstrated that 95% of all heterozygous alleles were above 59% heterozygote balance. For base-pair sizing precision, the precision was below the standard 0.5 bp deviation for both the ANDE 6C System and the RapidHIT 200. 相似文献
114.
Frederick Harry Pitts 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(1):235-242
This article surveys The Norman Geras Reader: ‘What’s There is There’, a recent collection of the work of Norman Geras, edited by Eve Garrard and Ben Cohen. The article explores the relevance of Geras’s attempted reconciliation between liberalism and Marxism to some of the key issues confronting the contemporary left: foreign policy and the failures of humanitarian intervention and non-intervention; internationalism and the necessity for solidarity across borders in an age of nationalist populism; left approaches to totalitarianism and antisemitism; the possibilities and limitations of alternatives to and critiques of liberal capitalism; and the reinvigoration of utopian imaginaries and the futures they promise. It suggests that important lessons for the left can be unpicked from the contested legacy of the ‘decent leftism’ Geras represents, where reapplied in the wake of new political and diplomatic challenges. 相似文献
115.
116.
Steven M. Kogan Man-Kit Lei Christina R. Grange Ronald L. Simons Gene H. Brody Frederick X. Gibbons Yi-fu Chen 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2013,42(6):878-890
Accumulating evidence suggests that African American men and women experience unique challenges in developing and maintaining stable, satisfying romantic relationships. Extant studies have linked relationship quality among African American couples to contemporaneous risk factors such as economic hardship and racial discrimination. Little research, however, has examined the contextual and intrapersonal processes in late childhood and adolescence that influence romantic relationship health among African American adults. We investigated competence-promoting parenting practices and exposure to community-related stressors in late childhood, and negative relational schemas in adolescence, as predictors of young adult romantic relationship health. Participants were 318 African American young adults (59.4 % female) who had provided data at four time points from ages 10–22 years. Structural equation modeling indicated that exposure to community-related stressors and low levels of competence-promoting parenting contributed to negative relational schemas, which were proximal predictors of young adult relationship health. Relational schemas mediated the associations of competence-promoting parenting practices and exposure to community stressors in late childhood with romantic relationship health during young adulthood. Results suggest that enhancing caregiving practices, limiting youths’ exposure to community stressors, and modifying relational schemas are important processes to be targeted for interventions designed to enhance African American adults’ romantic relationships. 相似文献
117.
Ashley B. Barr Ronald L. Simons Leslie Gordon Simons Frederick X. Gibbons Meg Gerrard 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2013,42(12):1884-1897
Despite the declining rate of teen pregnancies in the United States, academic and public health experts have expressed concern over the still relatively high rate of rapid repeat pregnancies among adolescents, particularly among minority youth. Using a sample of over 300 African American female adolescents, the current study used insights from the prototype/willingness model of adolescent risk behavior to explore this risk. More specifically, it assessed the relationship between entry into unwed motherhood during mid-to-late adolescence and changes in prototypes of unmarried pregnant teens. Further, it explored the extent to which these changing prototypes accounted for young mothers’ later contraceptive expectations. We tested the possibility that social images were affected not only by personal experience (the birth of a child) but also by the family and community context in which this experience took place. The findings show that the early entrance into teen motherhood was associated with a shift toward more favorable prototypes of unwed pregnant teens, but that this was only the case for young mothers in disadvantaged contexts. Given this, prototype changes helped to explain the link between teen motherhood and contraceptive expectations only for those in disadvantaged contexts. We discuss these findings in terms of their practical and theoretical implications. 相似文献
118.
Yagil Levy 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2009,22(1):69-82
Israeli society has changed its attitude to the sacrifice of life in war, a change that is reflected in the bereavement discourse.
Attitudes have shifted from the unquestioned justification of military losses prior to the First Lebanon War (1982) to the
emergence of an antiwar bereavement discourse after the war and during the South Lebanon war of attrition that followed it.
More recently, following the Al-Aqsa Intifada and the Second Lebanon War (2006), a discourse that accepts losses has emerged.
While the retreat from the hegemonic discourse prior to the First Lebanon War is explained by the changing attitudes to military
sacrifice among the social elites, the latter shift took place in parallel with the alteration of the social composition of
the Israeli Defence Force. It is argued that the social composition of the military affects the level of sensitivity to losses.
While secular upper-middle class groups tend to show a high level of sensitivity to war losses, which they then translate
into a subversive bereavement discourse, religious and peripheral groups with a hawkish agenda are more tolerant of military
losses, or, alternatively, may seek to avoid excessive casualties by improving the military’s performance or the quality of
the political directives.
相似文献
Yagil LevyEmail: |
119.
Frederick Solt 《American journal of political science》2008,52(1):48-60
What effect, if any, does the extent of economic inequality in a country have upon the political engagement of its citizens? This study examines this question using data from multiple cross‐national surveys of the advanced industrial democracies. It tests the theory that greater inequality increases the relative power of the wealthy to shape politics in their own favor against rival arguments that focus on the effects of inequality on citizens' objective interests or the resources they have available for political engagement. The analysis demonstrates that higher levels of income inequality powerfully depress political interest, the frequency of political discussion, and participation in elections among all but the most affluent citizens, providing compelling evidence that greater economic inequality yields greater political inequality. 相似文献
120.
Frederick M. Hess 《Society》2008,45(6):534-539
The tangled relationship between education research and policy has received little serious scrutiny, even as paeans to “scientifically
based research” and “evidence-based practice” have become a staple of education policymaking in recent years. For all the
attention devoted to the 5-year-old Institute of Education Sciences, to No Child Left Behind’s call for “scientifically based
research,” to professional interest in data-driven decision-making, and to the refinement of sophisticated analytic tools,
little effort has gone into understanding how, when, or why research affects education policy. Instead, most discussion has
focused on how to identify “best practices” or “scientifically based” methods and how to encourage classroom educators to
use research findings. In this article, based on the new volume, When Research Matters: How Scholarship Influences Education Policy, Frederick M. Hess examines these questions.
相似文献
Frederick M. HessEmail: |