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341.
342.
Donald E. Lewis 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》1988,4(1):19-37
Fines are the most common sanction against criminal offenders in many countries. Economists have developed models for determining the optimal use of fines. Their models, however, generally abstract from problems of fine enforcement and assume that all fines are collected and that enforcement costs are zero. Criminologists and practitioners, on the other hand, have been very much aware of enforcement costs. Imprisonment for fine default is particularly costly and exacerbates the crowded prison conditions that exist in many countries. This paper extends previous economic models by dropping the limiting assumption of zero enforcement costs. The model is estimated using data from England and Wales and is used to evaluate alternative methods and levels of fine enforcement. 相似文献
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Lauryn C. Alexander BS Oriana Ovide MS Olivia C. Duffett BS Andra D. Lewis MS Patrick Buzzini PhD James Curran PhD Tatiana Trejos PhD 《Journal of forensic sciences》2023,68(3):790-806
This study assists the interpretation of glass and paint evidence by filling an existing gap in the background occurrence that reflects the socioeconomic and demographic circumstances in the United States. The collection was performed in a college US city (Morgantown, West Virginia) to determine the effect of the type of clothing worn at different seasons on the presence of glass and paint. Tape lifts and sole scrapings (1038) were collected from 210 participants and up to six clothing and footwear areas per individual. Glass fragments were analyzed via polarized light microscopy (PLM), refractive index (RI), micro-X-Ray fluorescence (μXRF), and scanning electron microscopy-energy dispersive spectroscopy (SEM-EDS), while paint specimens were examined by light microscopy and infrared spectroscopy (μFTIR). Higher occurrences of glass and paint were found in the winter season. The winter collection yielded 10 glass fragments and 68 paint particles, whereas the summer collection resulted in one glass fragment and 23 paint particles. The percentage of individuals with traces varied between seasons; 7% of individuals in the winter and 0.9% in the summer had glass, whereas 36% of individuals in the winter and 19% in the summer bore paint. Lastly, when considering the overall garment and footwear areas, glass was detected in 1.4% of the winter set, compared to 0.2% in the summer collection; paint was found in 9.2% of the winter collection, whereas only 4.2% was found in the summer set. There were no instances where both glass and paint were detected on the clothing and footwear of the same individual. 相似文献
346.
Lewis Bassett 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(4):777-784
This article traces some of the rhetoric flowing from Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership of the Labour Party to the New Left, a political and intellectual movement in the UK which rose up to challenge the Stalinisation of socialism. These New Left lineages appear most clearly in the value denoted by both movements toward extra‐parliamentary politics. Indeed, the work of the New Left intellectual Ralph Miliband considers this factor to be a criterion by which we can assess the extent to which Corbyn’s party has surpassed the traditional ‘Labourist’ mould. By going beyond the movement’s early rhetoric, I show that it hasn’t. Instead, I present evidence that Corbyn’s Labour is a deeply social democratic one. The article offers an explanation for this assessment based on comparison of the contexts from which both the New Left and Corbynism emerged, and outlines an analytical path for future scholarship that emphasises continuity as well as change, and wards against ideological bias. 相似文献
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David Lewis 《Central Asian Survey》2016,35(3):421-438
Post-Soviet authoritarian regimes – particularly in Central Asia – have proved highly resilient since independence. Existing explanations for regime longevity should be augmented by consideration of non-material, discursive sources of political legitimacy. A robust authoritarian regime requires the production and circulation of a hegemonic discourse that is internalized by influential social groups. This type of dominant discourse has emerged in Kazakhstan, making it difficult for political opponents to promote alternative political imaginaries and mobilize popular support. State control over media is challenged by Internet-based platforms, but in Kazakhstan social media and blogging have also offered an opportunity for the regime to reproduce its own hegemonic discourse. This article uses a discourse analysis of posts by bloggers in the aftermath of a violent conflict in Zhanaozen in Kazakhstan in 2011 to demonstrate how central elements in the state discourse are reproduced online, even by independent bloggers, suggesting that an official discourse has the ability to maintain its hegemonic status despite widespread use of blogs and social media. 相似文献
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Simon Lewis 《Safundi: The Journal of South African and American Studies》2016,17(3):296-311
This essay describes a graduate course entitled “Narratives of Slavery” taught in Charleston, SC in spring 2014, in which I sought to recenter the dominant (national) discourse on slavery by stressing the local and insisting on our (the class’s) implication with the structures of things past, both the physical structures of the city of Charleston, and all of the legal, financial, historiographical, and ideological structures of the Atlantic World that continue to shape our contemporary reality. The course attempted to critically analyze the process and the consequence of narrativizing slavery – how we write slavery into (and out of) being; how we use narratives of slavery for the purpose of abolition and emancipation; what happens when we write particular narratives of slavery; what gets written out of the history of slavery when particular narratives become dominant; how contemporary narratives of slavery feed into and compare with historical accounts; how historical accounts feed into historical fiction, and how all these things play out in the postcolonial here and now of the American South in the age of Obama (and anti-Obama). In addition to offering a set of critical readings of texts, notably Zakes Mda’s neo-slave narrative Cion, the essay also presents some of the students’ thoughtful and moving responses to the texts and to Charleston’s evolving memorial landscape. The essay’s claim that we must read and discuss slavery and race in ways that do not reify or ossify either of those two terms was given even more urgency by the horrific mass shooting of 17 June 2015. 相似文献
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Anja C. Groth M.S. James H. Barnes Ph.D. Cris Lewis Ph.D. Cynthia K. Murray Ph.D. Fakhrildeen Albahadily Ph.D. Thomas H. Jourdan Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(4):913-921
The information inherent in cigarette ash in the form of trace‐metal concentrations may be of use in a forensic context as it can indicate the brand from which the ash originated. This knowledge might help place suspects at crime scenes or determine how many people may have been present. To develop and test statistical models capable of classifying ash samples according to brand, commercial cigarettes procured in the U.S. and overseas were “smoked” using a peristaltic pump, mimicking the range of human smoking habits. Ash samples were digested in a mixture of nitric and hydrochloric acid applying microwave digestion and analyzed using inductively coupled plasma‐mass spectrometry. Principal component analysis of the elemental data showed intrinsic differences between brands. Partial least squares‐discriminant analysis demonstrated that brand classification yields good sensitivity and specificity for a number of models tested. Varying smoking parameters did not impact the classification of ash samples. 相似文献