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981.
The role of communication in public administration has been emphasized over time in public administration theory. Nonetheless, communication—with the exception of political communication—has been neglected in scholarship. Garnett's performance predicament posits the difficulty of showing linkages between communication and performance. This paper explores the role that communication plays in achieving organizational performance through a review of research that bears on communication's direct and indirect influences on performance. The primary thrust is communication's indirect role in achieving performance by mediating or moderating the effects of organizational culture on performance, thereby adding another perspective on the culture–performance relationship. Adapting the typology of Zammuto and Krakower, two types of organizational culture—rule-oriented culture and mission-oriented culture—are examined to explore how the relationship between organizational culture and organizational performance is influenced by communication. The analysis supports the claim that communication acts as a meta-mechanism for shaping and imparting culture in mission-oriented organizational cultures, thereby influencing performance. In particular, task orientation, feedback, and upward communication have positive effects on perceived organizational performance in mission-oriented organizations but potentially negative effects on performance in rule-oriented cultures. 相似文献
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对网络问责实施的理性思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
吕晓飞 《天水行政学院学报》2009,(6):64-66
网络问责作为一种新兴的行政问责方式,是传统行政问责制的重要补充方式之一。因此我们要理性思索其利弊,从而因势利导,积极发挥网络问责的优势,为建设责任政府、法治政府、服务政府服务,更好地促进中国民主政治的发展。 相似文献
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986.
L.B. Curzon 《The Law teacher》2013,47(1):32-36
“Health” is a disciplinarily imperialistic and conceptually amorphous term; as such, it defies a unifying, coherent and universal definition. These characteristics of health present enormous problems for a curriculum developer trying to chart the outlines and contents of the subject. A sure way out is to reflect carefully on Gardner's suggestion regarding the tension between depth and coverage and to make the definition of health a part of any module on health care law. In addition, the experiences of other common jurisdictions present Nigeria with a choice between a single module approach and multiple module approach to health care law. 相似文献
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Eva R. Kimonis Paul J. Frick Jennifer L. Skeem Monica A. Marsee Keith Cruise Luna C. Munoz Katherine J. Aucoin Amanda S. Morris 《International journal of law and psychiatry》2008,31(3):241
The presence of callous–unemotional (CU) traits designates an important subgroup of antisocial youth. To improve upon existing measures, the Inventory of Callous–Unemotional Traits (ICU) was developed to provide an efficient, reliable, and valid assessment of CU traits in samples of youth. The current study tests the factor structure and correlates of the ICU scale in a sample (n = 248) of juvenile offenders (188 boys, 60 girls) between the ages of 12 and 20 (M = 15.47, SD = 1.37). Confirmatory factor analyses are consistent with the presence of three independent factors (i.e., Uncaring, Callousness, and Unemotional) that relate to a higher-order callous–unemotional dimension. Also, CU traits overall showed associations with aggression, delinquency, and both psychophysiological and self-report indices of emotional reactivity. There were some important differences across the three facets of the ICU in their associations with these key external criteria. 相似文献
990.
Jennifer L Fluri 《Feminist Review(on-Line)》2008,89(1):34-54
Women-led political organizations that employ feminist and nationalist ideologies and operate as separate from, rather than associated with, male-dominated or patriarchal nationalist groups are both significant and under-explored areas of gender, feminist, and nationalism studies. This article investigates the feminist and nationalist vision of the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA). RAWA exemplifies an effective political movement that intersects feminist and nationalist politics, where women are active, rather than symbolic, participants within the organization, and help to shape an ideological construction of the Afghan nation. RAWA subsequently links its struggle for women's rights (through feminism) with its nationalist goals for democracy and secularism. This article also analyses RAWA's use of conservative nationalist methods to reproduce the future of the organization and to develop ‘citizens’ for its idealized nation, while countering existing patriarchal social and familial structures through a re-configuration of women's roles in the family, community, and nation. This inquiry is based on geographic and feminist examinations of RAWA's organizational structure, literature, and political goals obtained through content analyses of RAWA's political literature and through interviews with RAWA members and supporters living as refugees in Pakistan in the summer of 2003 and winter of 2004/05. RAWA is an instructive example of counter-patriarchal and nationalist feminist politics that questions patriarchal definitions of the nation and its citizenry by reconfiguring gender norms and redefining gender relations in the family as a mirror of the nation. 相似文献