The Ubiquitous Family Environment: Examining Emotional Insecurity in the Family and Adjustment in School

The present study examines adolescents' emotional insecurity and problem behaviors at school. Adolescents (n = 280; 136 boys, 144 girls, Median age = 13) and their parents reported on adolescents' emotional security and adjustment problems. Adolescents' teachers (n = 240) also reported on adolescents' school adjustment. Results support that emotional insecurity is related to adjustment problems in the home and at school. Emotional insecurity in the family system was a better predictor of adolescents' adjustment problems than emotional insecurity in the interparental relationship. Findings have implications for teachers, parents, school administrators and policy‐makers, as adolescents' problem behaviors at school can be explained by their emotional insecurity.     

Changes to the training of English and Welsh lawyers: implications for the future of university law schools

The focus of this article is upon the plans by the Bar Standards Board and, in particular, the Solicitors Regulation Authority to remodel the education and training processes for barristers and solicitors. Introducing the most radical changes to legal education in recent decades, the proposals present Anglo-Welsh law schools with dilemmas in terms of their future educational models, student recruitment and issues of equal opportunities and accessibility. However, opportunities are also present, should some law schools wish to utilise the momentum for change to move away from constraints necessitated by following an, in part, professionally determined syllabus. Research Excellence Framework, professorial expertise and doctoral degree data are used to demonstrate that some law schools have moved away from focusing on areas most relevant to professional practice, but have retained a dependence on qualifying law degree status to recruit students in comparatively large numbers.     

State Politics and the Right to Counsel: A Comparative Analysis

One of the most significant recent developments in the study of crime and justice is the emergence of theoretical explanations for the dramatic changes in criminal justice policy over the past few decades. These theoretical accounts address not only highly visible developments, such as the meteoric rise in incarceration rates, but also less-conspicuous shifts in due process and civil liberties, and they do so by attributing more-repressive policies to the emergence of a political culture that has substantially redefined crime and justice. This article focuses on an important due process issue, the legal representation of indigent defendants in criminal courts. We describe the state of indigent defense policy, particularly structure and funding, across the states in 2002, and analyze variation on two dimensions where states may exercise discretion: the extent to which states assume responsibility for funding services (rather than relying on local governments), and the generosity with which these programs are funded overall. We test hypotheses that link funding for services with the ideology of state political leadership, public values about tolerance and race relations, and states' public welfare policy climates. We find little support for the prediction that a welfare climate shapes more progressive indigent defense policies. However, the results suggest that the racial threat hypothesis helps account for spending on indigent defense, and that Republican control of the statehouse results in the perpetuation of local responsibility for program funding. Normative literature on indigent defense suggests that the patterns we observe may have important consequences for the quality of indigent defense services across states. Further, the findings reported here suggest that the politics of the punitive turn, as it has played out across the states, may be responsible not only for shifts in crime control policy, but for due process policy as well.     

Combatting program fragmentation: Local systems of vocational education and job training

As the number of local institutions that train individuals for employment has grown, policymakers have become concerned about possible duplication and wasteful competition. Potential solutions to this perceived problem typically revolve around strategies for encouraging greater coordination among local education and training agencies. Yet little is known about either the extent of duplication in local communities or about interactions among institutions. To begin to fill this gap, we conducted comparative case studies of eight communities. We found little service overlap or competition. Instead, using a variety of mechanisms, local institutions have established clear divisions of labor and have linked themselves in well-defined, though largely informal, systems. The present study concludes with a discussion of how state and federal policy might facilitate the creation and maintenance of effective local systems of work-related education and training.     

Isolation and Identification of Three By‐products Found in Methylamphetamine Synthesized by the Emde Route

This article describes the isolation and structural elucidation of three compounds produced during the synthesis of methylamphetamine by the so‐called “Emde” procedure. The “Emde” procedure involves the preparation of the intermediate chloropseudoephedrine or chloroephedrine from ephedrine or pseudoephedrine, respectively. The intermediates are then reduced to methylamphetamine with hydrogen under pressure in the presence of a catalyst. The by‐product compounds were isolated from methylamphetamine by column chromatography and liquid chromatography (LC). Proton nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy (¹H NMR), carbon nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy (¹³C NMR), and nanospray quadrupole‐time of flight‐mass spectrometry (Q‐TOF‐MS) were used to identify them as two stereoisomers of the compound N, N′‐dimethyl‐3,4‐diphenylhexane‐2,5‐diamine and N‐methyl‐1‐{4‐[2‐(methylamino)propyl]phenyl}‐1‐phenylpropan‐2‐amine.     

The sins of the father: The destruction of the Republican family in Franco's Spain

The postwar years in Spain were little more than the perpetuation of the Civil War on an ideological terrain, as the Franco Regime consistently vilified the memory of the Second Republic and remorselessly persecuted the defeated Republicans. In fact, nationalist diatribes against communism and its attendant ills of separatism and laicism were invariably expounded in medical terminology, referring as they did to the “cancer” and “virus” which had devastated the nation during the Civil War. This empirically unverifiable theory sustained that a large scale extermination (the Civil War) had to be carried out to rid Spain of this “virus” thus preempt the contagion of this fervently Catholic and patriotic nation. Horkheimer affirms that the family is the microcosm of the fascist state, as the relationship between siblings and parents replicates the obedience of the citizen to the fascist state. As Republican traits were at antipodes to the prescribed national attributes, the Francoist State sought to destroy the Republican family by a myriad of measures such as the inculcation of a zealous National Catholicism in their children, which in turn precipitated both selfhatred and the children's outright rejection of their parents. However, the social persecution of the defeated transcended indoctrination: in the postwar years, the horrendousness of life for the Republicans was compounded by the State's quasi reconversion policy, which resulted in Republican children being forcibly removed from their homes, and been adopted by pro-Francoist families, or in many cases, rehoused by religious orders which, within a decade, witnessed a huge increase in the number of supposed orphans becoming seminarists. In this article, I intend to elaborate on both the means by which the Francoist State eradicated the Republican family, and its long-term consequences.     

Theorising The Everyday

This article reflects on the gender politics integral to theories and cultural histories of the everyday in the contemporary Humanities and (to a lesser extent) Social Sciences. Since the 1990s feminist scholars have observed the gender bias integral to many canonical twentieth-century theories of the everyday. In spite of these observations, I suggest that much everyday life theory and recent studies that map a cultural and intellectual history of the everyday continue to reflect this gender bias. I suggest that one possible reason for this is women’s historical exclusion from the realm of theoretical discourse broadly conceived, and propose that in order to trace alternative critiques and histories of the everyday feminist scholars need to look to alternative modes of cultural and discursive production—for example, literature, the essay and art—through which to trace implicit and explicit analyses of the everyday by women. The second part of the article turns to the work of the twentieth-century photographer Dorothea Lange as a case in point. While Lange’s work has never been discussed in studies of the everyday, the concept underpins her practice and her work offers some suggestive points of comparison to approaches to the everyday both in Lange’s time and in contemporary theory. Focusing on her little-known essays ‘Documentary Photography’ and ‘Photographing the Familiar’ and some of her images of rural California during the Depression years, I examine her account of the role of the ‘familiar’ and everyday to the social, aesthetic and ethical potential of documentary photography as a medium at the time.