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81.
Lucas Mesquita 《Journal of Civil Society》2018,14(3):222-240
The article questions if the participation of civil society actors in foreign policy making would lead to the democratization of foreign policy processes. The analysis is based on the comparison of three foreign policy participatory initiatives – the Civil Society Consultative Council, the Social and Participative Mercosur Programme and the Dialogue and Consultation System – which currently take place in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay, respectively. The hypothesis to be tested is that participatory institutions modify representation in foreign policy by breaking with the monopoly of the diplomatic bureaucracy in foreign policy making on regional integration. For that, we develop a comprehensive model based on social participation indicators and assess the specifics of each participatory initiative by mobilizing documental sources and conducting face-to-face interviews with key actors for each initiative. We ultimately find that the democratic nature is rather correlated with the institutional design adopted by the participatory initiative under scrutiny. 相似文献
82.
Law and Philosophy - Whether legal systems are necessarily coercive raises normative concerns. Coercion carries a presumption of illegitimacy and a special justificatory burden. If legal systems... 相似文献
83.
Ivor Lucas 《亚洲事务》2013,44(3):418-425
A brief account of the events leading up to the fall of the Shah, followed by an examination of how those events were seen and evaluated by the British government, especially the Foreign Office department concerned, of which Ivor Lucas was the head. Against this background he also provides an assessment of how far the British Government had realistic alternative policy options. 相似文献
84.
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86.
Distributive Politics in Developing Federal Democracies: Compensating Governors for Their Territorial Support 下载免费PDF全文
Using original data from the period 1999–2011 on federal infrastructure investment for all subnational units in two federations, Argentina and Brazil, and a unitary nation, Colombia, this study shows that in developing federal countries with strong governors, presidents use nonearmarked transfers as a tool to compensate governors for sizable and secure territorial political support. The study argues that in these cases, resources do not make electoral power but chase it. In the unitary case, conversely, governors do not influence distributive politics. Variation also was found in the relevance of Congress, legislative overrepresentation, and programmatic criteria across cases. The article discusses possible reasons for these results and their implications for the comparative debate on distributive politics. 相似文献
87.
W. Scott Lucas 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(3):556-558
ABSTRACTThe United States was at least partly culpable for the failure of denuclearisation agreements with North Korea concluded during the presidencies of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush in the 1990s and early 2000s. American failure to implement commitments in a timely manner arose from a combination of domestic and presidential politics, the constraints imposed by international partnerships, and bureaucratic structures and procedures. For its part, North Korea implemented its commitments faithfully until its leadership’s increasing disenchantment with American tardiness and perceived lack of good faith. 相似文献
88.
Lucas Winter 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(11):883-895
This article looks at the growth and evolution of the The Abdullah Azzam Brigades, from the group's Egyptian origins through its most recent attack on a Japanese tanker in the Hormuz Straits. In addition to an overview of the group's main personalities and claims of responsibility, the article aims to explain the group by placing it in the context of recent jihadi theory. 相似文献
89.
Ruth Lane Frank Vanclay Jo Wills Damian Lucas 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2007,66(2):159-174
Ideas of ‘community’ and ‘community voice’ have been mobilised in collaborative programs developed between the National Museum of Australia and the Murray‐Darling Basin Commission since 1992. This collaboration is set within a broader context of changing ideas and practice around governance, community and environmental issues. The recent Murray‐Darling Outreach Project (MDOP), a series of museum outreach projects with regional communities aiming to increase community engagement in local environmental issues in the Murray‐Darling Basin, is specifically examined. Evaluation research on the MDOP found that the approach to program development significantly shaped the types of voices, range of issues presented and the nature of the communicative forums established. The potential impacts on online audiences are discussed along with broader implications for government agencies involved in community partnerships. 相似文献
90.
Multi-Stage: A Rule-Based Evolution of Future Commitments under the Climate Change Convention 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Michel G. J. Den Elzen Marcel Berk Paul Lucas Patrick Criqui Alban Kitous 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2006,6(1):1-28
This article presents the regional emission targets corresponding to different climate regimes for differentiating commitments
beyond 2012 on the basis of the Multi-Stage approach. This approach assumes a gradual increase in the number of Parties involved
and their level of commitment according to participation and differentiation rules. The analysis focuses on two global greenhouse
gas emission profiles resulting in CO2-equivalent concentrations stabilising at 550 and 650 ppmv in 2100 and 2150, respectively. Three Multi-Stage cases have been
developed in order to assess different types of thresholds. These share three consecutive stages representing different commitments:
stage 1 – no quantitative commitments; stage 2 – emission–limitation targets and stage 3 – emission reduction targets. The
analysis shows that by 2025 all three cases result in emission reduction objectives for all Annex I regions of at least 30–55%
below their 1990 levels for 550 ppmv, whereas for 650 ppmv target they range from 0 to 20%. Furthermore, early participation
is required of the major non-Annex I regions through emission limitation targets i.e. before 2025 and 2050 for the 550 and
650 ppmv targets, respectively. The first participation threshold for adopting emission–limitation targets on the basis of
a capability–responsibility index (as introduced here) can provide for a balanced and timely participation of non-Annex I
regions. Major strengths and weaknesses of the climate regimes are discussed and important obstacles and pre-conditions for
their feasibility and acceptability are highlighted. 相似文献