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Architectural paints are commonly found as trace evidence at scenes of crime. Currently the most widely used technique for the analysis of architectural paints is Fourier Transformed Infra-Red Spectroscopy (FTIR). There are, however, limitations to the forensic analysis of white paints, and the ability to discriminate between samples.Isotope ratio mass spectrometry (IRMS) has been investigated as a potential tool for the analysis of architectural white paints, where no preparation of samples prior to analysis is required. When stable isotope profiles (SIPs) are compared, there appears to be no relationship between paints from the same manufacturer, or between paints of the same type. Unlike existing techniques, IRMS does not differentiate resin samples solely on the basis of modifier or oil-type, but exploits additional factors linked to samples such as geo-location where oils added to alkyd formulations were grown. In combination with the use of likelihood ratios, IRMS shows potential, with a false positive rate of 2.6% from a total of 1275 comparisons. 相似文献
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Anne L. Horton Kyriacos M. Simonidis Lucy L. Simonidis 《Journal of family violence》1987,2(3):265-279
Since 1980 legal remedies for spouse abuse have been established in various forms in every state. Social service agencies and shelters currently encourage victims to utilize restraining orders which now carry criminal consequences for the batterer, yet little empirical data have been reported concerning their use. The present paper describes two research studies-one conducted in Dane County (Madison area), Wisconsin, the other in Sacramento County, California-that provide new helpful information for these referring agencies and offer findings which reflect which victims use these legal remedies, what their expectations are, and how satisfied the victims were with the results. A final section discusses implications for change or clarification in policy, process, and education on the use of these legal remedies. 相似文献
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Stewart Firth 《圆桌》2015,104(2):101-112
AbstractFiji’s 2014 election was its first in eight years, first under the 2013 constitution, and first using a common roll of electors with proportional representation. In the new parliament of 50 seats, the coup leader of 2006, Frank Bainimarama, emerged triumphant. His FijiFirst Party won 32 seats, with the Social Democratic Liberal Party, a successor party to earlier indigenous Fijian parties, winning 15 and the National Federation Party three. The election of the new parliament marked the end of Fiji’s longest period under a military government since independence. How should the significance of these elections be judged in the context of Fiji’s history? Do they represent the breakthrough to democratic stability that so many Fiji citizens have wanted for so long? Or are they just another phase of Fiji’s turbulent politics, a democratic pause before another lurch into authoritarian government? 相似文献