全文获取类型
收费全文 | 5460篇 |
免费 | 193篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 286篇 |
工人农民 | 237篇 |
世界政治 | 347篇 |
外交国际关系 | 228篇 |
法律 | 3512篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 48篇 |
政治理论 | 974篇 |
综合类 | 20篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 32篇 |
2022年 | 34篇 |
2021年 | 53篇 |
2020年 | 96篇 |
2019年 | 102篇 |
2018年 | 162篇 |
2017年 | 178篇 |
2016年 | 171篇 |
2015年 | 144篇 |
2014年 | 146篇 |
2013年 | 545篇 |
2012年 | 211篇 |
2011年 | 209篇 |
2010年 | 136篇 |
2009年 | 154篇 |
2008年 | 174篇 |
2007年 | 170篇 |
2006年 | 152篇 |
2005年 | 132篇 |
2004年 | 136篇 |
2003年 | 128篇 |
2002年 | 131篇 |
2001年 | 210篇 |
2000年 | 166篇 |
1999年 | 129篇 |
1998年 | 52篇 |
1997年 | 55篇 |
1996年 | 47篇 |
1995年 | 57篇 |
1994年 | 50篇 |
1993年 | 59篇 |
1992年 | 87篇 |
1991年 | 93篇 |
1990年 | 85篇 |
1989年 | 68篇 |
1988年 | 84篇 |
1987年 | 84篇 |
1986年 | 100篇 |
1985年 | 110篇 |
1984年 | 93篇 |
1983年 | 88篇 |
1982年 | 44篇 |
1981年 | 38篇 |
1979年 | 40篇 |
1978年 | 37篇 |
1975年 | 31篇 |
1974年 | 45篇 |
1971年 | 31篇 |
1970年 | 31篇 |
1968年 | 32篇 |
排序方式: 共有5653条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
141.
N. T. Anders Strindberg 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(4):263-273
Abstract Violence against abortion clinics and other activities directed toward patients and staff of abortion facilities have been termed terrorism by the pro‐choice movement. However, the Federal Bureau of Investigation denies that these actions are terrorism. Instances of abortion clinic violence for 1982–1987 were examined in order to determine whether there is a correspondence between these incidents and definitions or models of terrorism. It appears that these incidents do fit the classification of “limited political” or ‘subrevolutionary” terrorism. Reasons why the FBI has made the decision not to include these acts as forms of terrorism are entertained. One is that current international tensions have resulted in a preoccupation with only certain types of events which for administrative, i.e., juris‐dictional, reasons have come to essentialize terrorism. Another explanation, posited by pro‐choice activists, is that the FBI's decision is a consequence of political influence: the current administration is openly anti‐choice. 相似文献
142.
Sandra Kröger 《Journal of Civil Society》2018,14(1):41-57
This article links the literature on the Europeanization of civil society organizations (CSOs) with the literature on the contribution CSOs can make to democracy in the EU. To do so, it asks which are the pull factors that support CSOs’ Europeanization: are they mostly strategic and linked to where law-making and the money are? Or are they likewise linked to a desire to contribute to EU democracy? To explore this question, the article looks at agricultural, environmental and anti-poverty groups and combines fresh qualitative with quantitative data. The findings suggest that we need to distinguish strategic Europeanization, on the one hand, from the identification with supranational democracy, on the other. They also show that the most Europeanized organizations need not be the most interested in EU democracy, whereas organizations with a comparatively low degree of Europeanization can still be interested in EU democracy. 相似文献
143.
144.
145.
OBI N.I. EBBE 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2013,37(1-2):281-287
146.
147.
Commander F. C. Corbyn R.N. 《亚洲事务》2013,44(4):587-616
148.
149.
Julian Christensen Lene Aarøe Martin Baekgaard Pamela Herd Donald P. Moynihan 《Public administration review》2020,80(1):127-136
One means by which the state reinforces inequality is by imposing administrative burdens that loom larger for citizens with lower levels of human capital. Integrating insights from various disciplines, this article focuses on one aspect of human capital: cognitive resources. The authors outline a model that explains how burdens and cognitive resources, especially executive functioning, interrelate. The article then presents illustrative examples, highlighting three common life factors—scarcity, health problems, and age-related cognitive decline. These factors create a human capital catch-22, increasing people's likelihood of needing state assistance while simultaneously undermining the cognitive resources required to negotiate the burdens they encounter while seeking such assistance. The result is to reduce access to state benefits and increase inequality. The article concludes by calling for scholars of behavioral public administration and public administration more generally to incorporate more attention to human capital into their research. 相似文献
150.
Eva Erman Niklas Möller 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2019,22(1):103-118
AbstractIn his most recent work, Sangiovanni has retreated from his stronger claims about practice-dependence. Instead of claiming that principles of justice must be practice-dependent, he now expresses his claim in a modal form, arguing that there are several ways in which practices may matter. While merely mapping out the logical space of possibilities seems to look like a modest ambition, the conditions for when practices do matter according to Sangiovanni’s analysis are easily met in actuality. Consequently, if he is right, the practice-dependent approach covers a significant number of political theories. Sangiovanni’s main claim is that higher-level principles with an open texture, which include most higher-level principles in political philosophy, justify a practice-dependent method in the form of a mode of application called ‘mediated deduction,’ according to which a thoroughgoing investigation is made of the nature of the target practice. Our task in this paper is to reject this claim. This is done in two steps. First, we question Sangiovanni’s distinction between instrumental application and mediated deduction, arguing that it remains unclear whether it marks out two sufficiently distinct ‘modes’ to do any theoretical work. Second, we argue that the practice-dependent method is not required even if two such modes are established. 相似文献