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This article examines corporate participation in the UN Global Compact programme. Using data on the world's 2,000 largest companies, we address the question of why companies voluntarily assume the programme's responsibilities and promote the rights of 'global citizenship'. Our analytic approach is to view transnational corporate political behaviour as a result of firm-level decisions shaped by country-level variation in political audience effects. Drawing on earlier research on more conventional forms of corporate political activity, we expect factors influential in the standard model of firm political activity to determine participation in the Global Compact. In addition, we argue that this highly visible, less instrumental dimension of a firm's political behaviour is driven by efforts to build a good environmental and human rights reputation with its audience of external actors. The importance of environmental and human rights concerns depends on the substance of the firm's business activities, the availability of investment and 'exit' options, and the home audience's bias towards the UN and human and environmental rights. We find support for political factors as well as firm and industry-level characteristics influencing the decision to participate in the Global Compact. 相似文献
144.
Lynn Langton 《Journal of criminal justice》2006,34(5):469
Due to high levels of probation and parole failure, a substantial body of research in criminology, psychology, and criminal justice focused on pinpointing those factors that indicate the highest risk of recidivism and recommitment. The majority of the risk assessment tools that were currently utilized, however, were not theoretically based. This research was an attempt to examine parole failure from a theoretical perspective-that of Gottfredson and Hirschi’s general theory of crime. Results showed that low self-control was a significant, although not the only, predictor of parole failure. Low self-control, however, did not appear to significantly impact the length of time before the failure occurred. Future research suggestions and policy implications are provided. 相似文献
145.
Lynn M. Burnett Gail B. Massari Richard D. LaScala 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》1997,22(3):17-25
The Semiconductor Research Corporation (SRC) operates on the principle that pooling investment in basic, pre-competitive research
permits members to target a larger percentage of their research and development dollars towards devising technologies that
will yield a competitive edge. This benefit is mot effectively realized, however, when the research “product” is expeditiously
transferred from the research lab into the commercial environment. The product, in this case, may be knowledge, a design or
manufacturing tool, personnel who are trained in the use of the tool, or information about a research approach that should
be avoided. At the SRC, technology transfer is essential to the success of its cooperative research effort, and consequently,
during 15 years of managing this transfer across the university/industry interface, the not-for-profit consortiun has developed
and refined structures and methodologies to overcome transfer barriers. The paper written by Lynn Burnett, Gail Massari and
Richard LaScala discusses administrative and managerial barriers to technology conversion and transfer and the solutions developed
and practiced by the SRC to transcend those barriers. 相似文献
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Lynn Mather 《Journal of law and society》2003,30(1):137-155
Governmental assistance for legal representation in civil cases is far greater in the United Kingdom than in the United States of America. This article explores the extent of legal support for low–income Americans, particularly in the area of family law. Examination of the data on self–representation across the United States and over time shows decreased reliance on lawyers. Drawing on institutional and individual perspectives, the article then explores why individuals choose to represent themselves in divorce. What do lawyers add to a divorce besides cost? The article suggests patterns of lawyering depending upon the lawyer and the resources of the client. While some pro se individuals may thrive in the divorce process without the need of a lawyer, others are disadvantaged by the lack of services available to them. The matching process between case needs and legal representation does not work. 相似文献
148.
Lynn A. Stewart Natalie Gabora P. Randall Kropp Zina Lee 《Journal of family violence》2014,29(2):151-164
The following presents the outcome of an evaluation of family violence prevention programs for male offenders. The moderate and high intensity programs were designed and implemented to conform to the Risk-Needs-Responsivity (RNR) principles. Results showed that program participation significantly reduced attitudes that supported violence against women and improved pro-social skills related to non-abusive relationships; treatment effects were moderate to high. Parole officer feedback generally reported positive changes in behavior and attitude associated with treatment. A post-release follow-up indicated that program completion significantly reduced spousal violence and general violent recidivism. Program participation did not, however, have a significant impact on non-violent crime. Results indicate that domestic violence programs respecting the RNR principles may be effective in reducing partner violence. 相似文献
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Lynn T. White III 《当代中国》2013,22(83):791-811
Governance is a hot topic in China, as well as among political scientists. Ways of thinking about it can be improved. This essay offers a ‘neo-functionalist’ method to test for successful or unsuccessful governance of reform stability in China. It takes account of the need for participation in effective governance. Steering a state (or any part of a state) requires attention to multiple sizes of polity—especially several medial sizes in a country as large as China. Governance has varied over time during the ‘reform’ era, when anti-reform conservatives have remained important in many nested political networks. The paper shows variation of governance over time, over sizes of polity and over four sample governance functions: managing the economy, maintaining orderly stability, linking ‘social’ parts of the polity to the government, and choosing cadres. It shows how these categories exhaust a logical field that is at least implicit in any analysis of governance roles, and it suggests the value of a ‘circulation of elites’ paradigm when thinking about governance success or failure. 相似文献