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991.
A difficult yet prevalent problem in legislative politics is how to assess explanations when observable actions may not represent true (and unobserved) legislator preferences. We present a method for analyzing the validity of theoretical/historical accounts that unifies theory, history, and measurement. We argue that approaches to testing accounts of legislative behavior which are theoretically and historically agnostic are not always best and present an approach which: (1) forms an explicit explanation of behavior (here a simple dynamic voting game) that yields estimable parameter constraints, and (2) tests these constraints using a customized empirical model that is as consistent as possible with the explanation. We demonstrate the method using legislative voting data from the first Congress (1789–1791). Using the idea of sophisticated equivalents from voting theory we subject the traditional account of the “Compromise of 1790” to a statistical test and find that there is reason to doubt the claim that legislators of the time believed the specified log roll was taking place. The results suggest that the capital location and assumption issues were resolved independently. 相似文献
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Peri E. Arnold 《Political science quarterly》2004,119(3):524-526
Book reviewed in this article: HST: Memories of the Truman Years , edited by Steve Neal. Miracle of '48: Harry Truman's Major Campaign Speeches & Selected Whistle‐Stops , edited by Steve Neal. 相似文献
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Steven C. Roach 《Human Rights Review》2004,6(1):91-105
Conclusion This article analyzed Otto’s Bauer idea of the nation and assessed its meaning and significance qua liberal nationalism and the expansion of national minority rights in Europe. It argued that Bauer's formulation of the same
rights for all minorities exposed certain limitations of multicultural theory, namely the failure of liberal multicultural
theorists to adequately address the consequences of special minority rights and the potentially transformative role of labor
in liberal societies that necessarily seek to be inclusive.
Further, Bauer's idea of cultural autonomy raised important and relevant implications for advancing national minority rights
in Europe. In particular, his initiative exposed possible ways to promote the social of cultural rights of EU Charter on Fundamental
Rights. Given this and the EU's commitment to labor rights, it is curious that Bauer’s theory has not received the attention
it deserves. Indeed, even if Bauer's ideas prove somewhat non-conventional by liberal standards, it is still important that
we see his ideas as serving some elemental purpose in linking the advancement of national values and sentiment with the EU
goal of integration. 相似文献
998.
Oscar W. Gabriel 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2004,45(4):477-478
999.
This study seeks to advance our understanding of the institutionalunderpinnings of federalism by evaluating William H. Riker'sstudy of party causality. Using data from federal funds transfersin Argentina, a federation exhibiting high levels of fiscaldecentralization despite its centralized party system, it isshown that when governorships are held by opposition parties,the overall amount of federal funds transferred to provincesincreases considerably. In addition, changes in the partisancomposition of the national government are also associated withsteep increases in the share of provincial federal funds, whereas,more controversially and challenging prominent recent studiesof decentralization in Latin America, divided government atthe national level leads to centralization of intergovernmentalfunds. These findings support Riker's contention that politicalparties exercise a decisive influence over the distributionof fiscal powers between states and the national government. 相似文献
1000.
The Institutional Basis of Secessionist Politics: Federalism and Secession in the United States 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
According to the literature on secession, the most importantdeterminant of secessionist sentiment is a high level of grievanceexperienced by the would-be secessionist group. However, therationale behind using secession (as opposed to another strategy)as a grievance-amelioration strategy remains almost completelyunexplained. This article contends that the institutional settingin which political conflict and grievance are experienced playsa crucial role in whether secession is conceived of as a viableoption. This contention is tested by examining the institutionalenvironment of federalism and the role it played in secessionin the United States in 1860 and 1861. The United States wasuniquely vulnerable to secessionist pressuresas are allfederal states, potentiallybecause of institutional structuresthat gave constituent states a high level of institutional authorityand capacity; this, in turn, contributed to a discourse of states'rights that included the contested right to secede. 相似文献