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71.
The annual Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), published by Transparency International (TI), has had a pivotal role in focusing attention on corruption. Despite recent critiques of the CPI, it remains highly influential on research into the causes of corruption and is also extensively used to galvanise support for measures to fight corruption. In this article we explore the CPI in more depth in order to highlight how the index has been used for political ends which may not always turn out to be supportive of anti-corruption efforts. The argument is developed in four sections: in the first, we focus on Transparency International's definition of corruption, highlighting some conceptual difficulties with the approach adopted and its relationship to the promotion of 'good governance' as the principal means of combating corruption. In the second section, we outline some methodological difficulties in the design of the Corruption Perceptions Index. Although the CPI has been much criticised, we demonstrate in the third section that the index continues to exercise great influence both in academic research and in the politics of anti-corruption efforts, particularly as exercised by Transparency International itself. In the final section we argue that the CPI contributes to the risk of creating a 'corruption trap' in countries where corruption is deeply embedded, as development aid is increasingly made conditional on the implementation of reforms which are impossible to achieve without that aid.  相似文献   
72.
International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society - This article reports on a reality TV series, Sweden’s best employment service, broadcast on Swedish public service television in...  相似文献   
73.
International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics - Despite the increasing relevance of cross-border flows of goods, capital and people in shaping risks and opportunities today,...  相似文献   
74.
This study focused on gas chromatographic analysis of target compounds found in illicit amphetamine synthesised by the Leuckart reaction, reductive amination of benzyl methyl ketone, and the nitrostyrene route. The analytical method was investigated and optimised with respect to introduction of amphetamine samples into the gas chromatograph and separation and detection of the target substances. Sample introduction using split and splitless injection was tested at different injector temperatures, and their ability to transfer the target compounds to the GC column was evaluated using cold on column injection as a reference. Taking the results from both techniques into consideration a temperature of 250 degrees C was considered to be the best compromise. The most efficient separation was achieved with a DB-35MS capillary column (35% diphenyl 65% dimethyl silicone; 30 m x 0.25 mm, d(f) 0.25 microm) and an oven temperature program that started at 90 degrees C (1 min) and was increased by 8 degrees C/min to 300 degrees C (10 min). Reproducibility, repeatability, linearity, and limits of determination for the flame ionisation detector (FID), nitrogen phosphorous detector (NPD), and mass spectrometry (MS) in scan mode and selected ion monitoring (SIM) mode were evaluated. In addition, selectivity was studied applying FID and MS in both scan and SIM mode. It was found that reproducibility, repeatability, and limits of determination were similar for FID, NPD, and MS in scan mode. Moreover, the linearity was better when applying FID or NPD whereas the selectivity was better when utilising the MS. Finally, the introduction of target compounds to the GC column when applying injection volumes of 0.2 microl, 1 microl, 2 microl, and 4 microl with splitless injection respectively 1 microl with split injection (split ratio, 1:40) were compared. It was demonstrated that splitless injections of 1 microl, 2 microl, and 4 microl could be employed in the developed method, while split injection and splitless injections of 0.2 microl should be avoided.  相似文献   
75.
Recent elections in Sweden and Finland are of note for contemporary politics. They confirm that the rightward shift in Nordic politics is not confined to Norway and Denmark but forms a more general trend. This includes increased appeal of both mainstream conservatives and populist radical right forces. This article contextualises this phenomenon within broader European developments. In accounting for the shift in question, the article stresses the cumulative effects of choices made by erstwhile centre-left hegemonic agents, most notably the consequences of the so-called Third Way. This perspective has the merit of providing a way for holding politicians accountable, and it avoids the fatalism entailed in invoking ‘inevitable’ structural developments.  相似文献   
76.
Abstract. This article analyzes party responses to European integration in Finland andSweden.We argue that such responses are shaped by seven explanatory factors: basic ideology, public opinion, factionalism, leadership influence, party competition, transnational links, and the development of integration. Each factor can lead to a positive or a negative evaluation of the European Union. In the empirical analysis, the sample includes all parties represented in the respective national parliaments, and the research material consists of party documents, parliamentary votes, statements by leading party figures, public opinion surveys, direct observation and interviews. Party competition and leadership influence are the strongest factors in the Finnish case, while public opinion and factionalism are the strongest factors in Sweden. Issue avoidance combined with the secondary importance of the EU in party politics explain why parties have been relatively successful in containing internal factionalism and discord, especially in Finland.  相似文献   
77.
Recent research demonstrates that a wide range of political attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors can be explained in part by genetic variation. However, these studies have not yet identified the mechanisms that generate such a relationship. Some scholars have speculated that psychological traits mediate the relationship between genes and political participation, but so far there have been no empirical tests. Here we focus on the role of three psychological traits that are believed to influence political participation: cognitive ability, personal control, and extraversion. Utilizing a unique sample of more than 2,000 Swedish twin pairs, we show that a common genetic factor can explain most of the relationship between these psychological traits and acts of political participation, as well as predispositions related to participation. While our analysis is not a definitive test, our results suggest an upper bound for a proposed mediation relationship between genes, psychological traits, and political participation.  相似文献   
78.
In this conceptual article we use the experience of the longstanding Milwaukee private school voucher program to categorize different failure types within the hollow state. Specifically, we argue that the overall performance of the hollow state is dependent on the performance of organizations operating within the hollow state, that organizational failures are inevitable in hollow state activities, and that such failures can be categorized as marketplace failures, service failures, institutional failures, or customer service failures. We conclude that policy makers must plan for the reality of organizational failures in the hollow state if such arrangements are to be effective.  相似文献   
79.
Research institutes, here defined as organizations involved in research and development but outside of the higher education sector and often in close cooperation with users, are found in most countries but not very well understood. This paper argues that institutes can be considered ??hybrid organizations??, caught in between dichotomous cultural spheres with differing values. To retain their hybridity and to survive in the long run, research institutes need to create and sustain organizational legitimacy by establishing congruence with values from these different spheres. The paper discusses how institutes try to establish legitimacy in the science?Cnon-science dimension and the public?Cprivate dimension and that these attempts sometimes come into conflict with one another. The framework of the legitimacy of hybrid organizations could constitute a fruitful starting point for a discussion of the future place of research institutes in society.  相似文献   
80.
Offenders with high psychopathic traits and/or antisocial personality disorder (ASPD) are hypothesised to experience less guilt and less responsibility for their actions than offenders without these problems. These hypotheses were tested and partly substantiated. The study investigates blame attributions and guilt feeling using Gudjonsson Blame Attribution Inventory–Revised (GBAI-R) for 177 young male violent offenders. GBAI scores were compared to ASPD and psychopathy according to the Psychopathy Checklist–Revised. Results showed that individuals with ASPD and those with higher degrees of psychopathy tended to report significantly less guilt and higher degree of mental control than other subjects. Another finding was a weak relationship between ASPD, high scores on psychopathic traits and external attribution. We suggest these results might be explained by admitting poor mental control may be extra difficult for individuals belonging to either of these groups and that the external attribution items do not separate causal from moral responsibility.  相似文献   
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