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141.
Malcolm Aldons 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2001,60(1):34-42
As an evaluation of the health of Australia's political system, this article offers a perspective different from the lament over the loss of responsible government. It finds that responsible government is not compatible with representative democracy. Peculiar to Australia is conflict between 'responsible party government' and 'responsible parliamentary government'. Nevertheless, the system is healthy. A parliament-as-a-whole approach identifies key holistic functions of manifest and latent legitimation and accountability that bolster legitimacy. Political accountability is enhanced by the watchdog role of the media. Public accountability is enriched by the links between citizens and administrative review. Critical changes include the guarantee of senate independence and the removal of senate power over supply. These changes would confine the theory and practice of responsible government to the House of Representatives, promote accountability, and thus increase the legitimacy of Australian parliamentary democracy. 相似文献
142.
Grant Mansfield 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2007,53(3):360-374
There is a growing body of European scholarship revising the traditionally held view that the peoples of Europe greeted the war with boundless patriotic enthusiasm. Niall Ferguson, Jean-Jacques Becker and Jeffery Verhey in particular have argued that the “August Days” were more myth than reality. The outbreak of the war in Australia has not yet attracted similar attention. With few exceptions, Australian scholars writing about the opening days and weeks of the war have agreed that Australian popular reaction was dominated by overwhelming enthusiasm. This paper will explore the Australian historiography, since the 1930s, and assess the extent to which the “traditional” interpretation is in need of re-investigation. 相似文献
143.
A coroner's jury made 14 recommendations at the conclusion of an inquest into the death of Sonia Faith Keepness, a 37-year-old inmate at Prince Grove Correction Centre in Prince Albert, Saskatchewan. 相似文献
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146.
David J. Giacopassi B. Grant Stitt Mark Nichols 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2000,24(2):203-215
One way to analyze the effect of tourism on crime is to include the average number of visitors in the denominator used to
calculate community crime rates. Modified crime rates were computed for 7 new casino jurisdictions and compared with traditional
crime rates based on the resident population. A preand postcasino comparison indicates a minority of Part I crimes increased
significantly regardless of which crime rate was used. While a majority of Part II crimes rose significantly when using the
traditional crime rate, fewer than half the modified crime rates displayed any gains. It appears that a large concentration
of casinos with a concomitant increase in tourism leads to an increase in Part II crimes.
This project was supported by Grant No. 98-IJ-CX-0037 awarded by the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs,
U.S. Department of Justice. Points of view in this document are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the
official position of the U.S. Department of Justice. 相似文献
147.
Malcolm R. Easton Gabriella R. Montinola 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2017,52(3):349-371
Previous work suggests that remittances enable governments to reduce spending on public services and divert resources to serve their own interests. We argue this need not occur. Building on recent work which shows that the impact of remittances is contingent on the domestic environment in remittance-receiving countries, we hypothesize that (1) remittances are more likely to increase government spending on public services in democracies than in autocracies and (2) remittances are more likely to finance activities that deter political competition in autocracies than in democracies. Using a sample of 105 developing countries from 1985 through 2008, we find strong support for our hypotheses when examining the impact of remittances on public education, health, and military spending. We also provide suggestive evidence for the mechanism underpinning our results: micro-level evidence on remittance recipients’ preferences and political engagement. 相似文献
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149.
Mailloux DL Abracen J Serin R Cousineau C Malcolm B Looman J 《International journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology》2003,47(2):171-184
A sample of 337 offenders who received treatment in a variety of sex offender treatment programs in the Ontario region of Correctional Service Canada between 1993 and 1998 were divided based on the highest intensity sex offender programming that they received (low, moderate, and high). The three groups were compared with reference to a variety of actuarial risk assessment measures, criminogenic factors, and the number and type of treatment programs completed. It was hypothesized that the high-intensity group would have more criminogenic risk factors, higher actuarial scores, and participate in more treatment programs than both the moderate- and low-intensity groups. The results indicate that in general, the hypotheses were supported. Nonetheless, the results suggest that the low-intensity group may be receiving too much sex offender-specific treatment. 相似文献
150.
Inequality remains one of the most challenging issues on theglobal human rights agenda. It is widely recognised that a formalapproach to the assessment of inequality has failed to eliminateentrenched structural social and economic inequality and thata different approach is required in order to tackle the rootsof inequality and achieve substantive equality. In seeking toimplement an approach to equality that addresses the historyof apartheid and the social and economic inequality endemicin South African society, the South African Constitutional Courthas rejected formal equality, and is in the process of developinga substantive interpretation of equality based on the protectionof human dignity. Critics of this approach have argued thatthe concept of human dignity is too indeterminate to providea stable foundation for equality law and that it promotes anexcessively individualistic conception of equality. Focussingon key developments in defining human dignity in German andSouth African constitutional law, this article argues that theconcept of dignity is rooted in a rich tradition which is capableof underpinning an approach to equality which avoids excessiveindividualism and fully recognises the interplay between individualand community needs. A detailed exploration of the equalityjurisprudence of the South African Constitutional Court revealshow the dignity-based approach has been developed in order toprovide a framework within which the actual experience of victimsof discrimination can be explored. It is concluded that thisapproach has the potential to engage with the realities of thewide range of divisions within South African society and theireffects in order to address not only the legacy of apartheidbut also to contribute to the creation of a society in whichevery person is valued equally. 相似文献