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This article surveys political development frameworks for analyzing the post-Communist transition to political democracy.
Parallels with postcolonial events in Third World countries should caution against overoptimism about the prospects for mutually
reinforcing economic and political development. In general, the study of Third World political development suggest that rapid
regime transition with low mass participation is unlikely to result in sustainable democratic politics, especially where severe
economic dislocations are present. High rates of participation during regime change may lead to rapid disillusionment with
the performance of postrevolutionary government.
It is thus argued that states wishing, for various reasons, to assist in smoothing the transition from communism should pay
heed to the cautionary experience of Third World development assistance and monitor the political dimensions of the transformation,
such as the stability of coalition governments, electoral turnout, ethnonationalism, as well as the orthodox economic indicators
like inflation and rates of domestic investment. With respect to international assistance to the former Communist countries
of Eastern and Central Europe, the article shows that the capacity of the Group of Twenty Four (G-24) donors to aid economic
recovery is well below what is requested, or needed. Despite hosting a donor summit, the United States is taking a far less
prominent role in the post-Cold War donor community than was the case in the analogous program for post-World War II recovery.
This is having an impact on both volume and coordination of assistance. Finally, a strong, possibly ideological, preference
among donors for finding private sector recipients for the bulk of assistance may erode the capacity of the post-Communist
states to provide both infrastructure and political stability needed for investor confidence.
Those making decisions about levels and modes of Western assistance should look beyond economic indicators of privatization
as criteria for continued support and retain, where possible, political development objectives in both financial and project
assistance. While we must not assume that the record of supporting democracy in Central and Eastern Europe will prove to be
any better than in many Third World regimes, the greater security salience of Eastern Europe’s stability adds urgency to the
task of applying political development lessons to the post-Communist experience.
Malcolm J. Grieve specializes in political development and international political economy and in his current research is
exploring the connections between the two fields with regard to analysis of the post-Communist transition. Recent publications
include “Economic Imperialism”, in D. Haglund and M. Hawes, eds.,World Politics: Power, Interdependence and Dependence (Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1990) and “Debt and Imperialism: Perspectives on the Debt Crisis,” in S. Riley ed.,The politics of global debt (Macmillan 1993).
...in Central and eastern Europe, we are seeking to demonstrate in practice the idea that free government can mean good and
stable government, and that free enterprise can mean economic opportunity for all.U.S. Deputy Secretary of State, Lawrence S. Eagleburger, 27 February 1991. There is nothing more difficult to arrange, more doubtful of success, and more dangerous to carry through,
than to initiate a new order of things.Machiavelli, The Prince 相似文献
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