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11.
Manuel Becker 《Regulation & Governance》2019,13(4):561-576
In 2016, the United States (US) government relinquished its long‐standing delegation contract with the Internet Corporation for Assignment of Names and Numbers (ICANN), a private organization that governs the technical infrastructure of the internet. This presents a puzzle as the US not only gave up a power resource, but also relinquished the possibility, as a public principal, to hold the private agent ICANN accountable. I argue that public principals have incentives to leave control in the hands of private stakeholders when a delegation contract is exposed to external pressure by powerful outside states and the probability of extensive policy changes by the privatized agent is limited. The analysis shows that the unilateral US control over ICANN was strongly challenged by other states and private actors. Instead of granting a greater role to rising powers in internet governance, the US gave up its unilateral influence after internal reforms limited the risk that an independent ICANN could deviate too far from former policies. 相似文献
12.
Nivette Amy Obsuth Ingrid Ribeaud Denis Eisner Manuel 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2022,51(2):193-207
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Existing research has shown that the quality of the relationship between teacher and child is associated with more positive perceptions of school authorities.... 相似文献
13.
José Manuel Barreto 《Law and Critique》2006,17(1):73-106
This article considers in a different light the relationship between legal theory and ethics by means of an interpretation
of the thought of Adorno and Horkheimer, and of the writings of Richard Rorty, as two moments of a marginal stream of ethics
of passions that runs beneath the history of rationalist Western philosophy. It departs from the critique of Modernity as
a dialectic of barbarism and civilisation, and from a genealogy of Auschwitz that finds its antecedents in Kantian morality.
It also characterises modern culture as one of apathy and bourgeois stoicism, and establishes a link between the cold modern
ethos and the dynamics of Nazi hardness. The article turns then to a consideration of some of the responses to the comprehensive
crisis of Modernity: the imperative ‘Auschwitz never again’, Adorno’s ‘general enlightenment’ and Horkheimer’s ethics of sympathy.
Finally it reflects upon Rorty’s proposal of sentimental education as an effective strategy to foster a human rights culture
in Postmodernity, with the aim of bridging the tradition of moral sentiments and contemporary struggles for human rights.
I am very grateful to Costas Douzinas, Sonia Romero, Shaun Haselhurst, David-Alexander Smith, José Bellido and the two anonymous
referees for their comments, and to Alexander García-Düttman for his suggestions. This text is dedicated to Paul Gready. 相似文献
14.
Blondé Jérôme Iacoviello Vincenzo Lampropoulos Dimitrios Vétois Matthieu Falomir Pichastor Juan Manuel 《Social Justice Research》2021,34(3):255-284
Social Justice Research - A wealth of evidence has demonstrated that individuals’ participation in collective actions largely derives from perceived group disadvantages. In the present... 相似文献
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Antonia María Ruiz Jiménez Manuel Tomás González-Fernández Manuel Jiménez Sánchez 《South European society & politics》2015,20(4):487-508
This study analyses the extent, sense, and strategies employed by sympathisers with Spanish state-wide left-wing parties to ‘reconstruct’ their affective ties with the Spanish nation after the ‘monopolisation of patriotism’ by Franco's regime. Such an undertaking is further complicated within the context of economic crisis and intensified peripheral nationalism found in Catalonia and the Basque Country. This article applies qualitative analysis to the discourse of left-wing participants from 11 focus groups held in March 2012 amidst the economic (and political) crisis. As expected, this context of crisis favoured the emergence of explicit discourse on the Spanish nation, providing an opportunity to gain a better understanding of its nature. Findings show that welfare nationalism and social patriotism define the kind of attachment developed by the interviewees towards Spain better than the concept of constitutional patriotism, or any kind of ethnic-cultural feeling of belonging. 相似文献
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María del P. Pablo‐Romero Antonio Sánchez‐Braza José Manuel González‐Limón 《政策研究评论》2015,32(5):576-599
The Covenant of Mayors (CM) is the mainstream European movement involving local authorities who voluntarily commit to increase energy efficiency and the use of renewable energy sources within their territories with the aim of reducing CO2 emissions and meet the European Union objectives by 2020. One country that has a greater number of signatories of this agreement is Spain. This article analyzes which factors influence the decision of Spanish local authorities to join the ever‐growing movement. An empirical model is formulated to describe the behavior of Spanish local governments, this being a binary choice model which is a function of various political, economic, and technical factors. Among the prominent factors that influence this decision are population, availability of renewable energy, fiscal and environmental stress, citizens’ political preference, the contagion effect of neighboring municipalities, the existence of covenant coordinators, and finally, economic motivations. 相似文献
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The 2000 presidential election of opposition candidate Vicente Fox signaled an end to seven decades of Mexico's single-party regime and seemed to herald the advent of truly competitive politics. But by 2003, economic reform had largely stalled, and Fox's party suffered a historically unprecedented midterm' loss in the congress. This article analyzes the underpinnings of policy gridlock in the Fox administration. Fox inherited the need for microeconomic restructuring and increased competitiveness, more innovative and pragmatic state policies, the need to pay attention to the country's sharp income inequalities, and the challenge of crafting a political strategy that could build a middle ground and foster policy consensus. With his party's minority standing in the congress, Fox was constrained from the start by divided government. But more effective statecraft and coalition building would have helped. These will be essential elements for the success of any post-Fox regime. 相似文献