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821.
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Maria Magdalena Martínez-Almira 《议会、议员及代表》2016,36(2):137-166
The Nueva Planta decrees (1707–16) caused an important change on the institutional and legislative map, not only in the Crown of Aragon but also in the Crown of Castile. The call for only one parliament within a ‘new institution’ – the General Courts of the Monarchy – was one of the consequences of this process of abolition undertaken by the representative institutions of each kingdom. This process deserves special attention because of the significant changes in its functions. The functions and duties of this ‘new parliament’ mainly revolved around the interests of the absolute monarchy, and the calls made during the eighteenth century – in 1713 and in 1789 – were thus intended for the oath of the heir to the throne. Among the various functions given to the parliament, the voting of servicios (a subsidy or petition) – usually a donation request – certainly stood out from time immemorial. The funds from petitions were used for different purposes, but they usually served to cover the expenses of the king and his kingdom. 相似文献
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José Ciro Martínez 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2017,44(3):356-372
This article analyses the depiction of political parties in a ‘hybrid regime’ so as to explain how state-sponsored articulatory practices contribute to the discrediting of potential opponents. Through an examination of textbooks, speeches and government documents combined with semi-structured interviews and participant observation, it dissects how tropes concerning party weakness or extremism make Jordan appear unprepared for democracy. Making the legal opposition seem menacing or incompetent helps the Hashemite regime legitimize the haphazard pace of political reforms. It is a crucial strategy through which the monarchy maintains the backing or tepid compliance of foreign and local supporters. Yet still, the discursive features of authoritarianism, in Jordan and elsewhere, continue to receive short shrift. Far from epiphenomenal, the monarchy’s discursive practices shape the conceptual universe and institutional contexts in which politics takes place. 相似文献
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Angélica Durán‐Martínez 《拉美政治与社会》2017,59(2):145-153
Bruce M. Bagley and Jonathan D. Rosen, eds., Drug Trafficking, Organized Crime, and Violence in the Americas Today. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2015. Figures, tables, index, 464 pp.; hardcover $84.95, paperback $35. Julie Marie Bunck and Michael Ross Fowler, Bribes, Bullets, and Intimidation: Drug Trafficking and the Law in Central America. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012. Figures, maps, tables, abbreviations, bibliography, index, 448 pp.; hardcover $93.95, paperback $34.95. Winifred Tate, Drugs, Thugs, and Diplomats: U.S. Policymaking in Colombia. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015. Illustrations, bibliography, index, 304 pp.; hardcover $90, paperback $25.95, ebook $24.65. Roberto Zepeda and Jonathan D. Rosen, eds., Cooperation and Drug Policies in the Americas: Trends in the Twenty‐First Century. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2014. Bibliography, index, 288 pp; hardcover $100, paperback $39.99, ebook $39.99. 相似文献
827.
José‐María Muñoz 《Law & society review》2011,45(4):893-921
Based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out between 2003 and 2005, this article examines how legality is constructed in present‐day Adamaoua Province, Cameroon. Focusing on an instance of a process locally referred to as la concertation, I analyze how state officials and cattle traders gather to discuss the practical fate of law. As a heightened moment of suspended enforcement, la concertation is productive for both officials, who work out the limits of their respective spheres of authority and imagine a trade based on business norms and practices that severely limit the scope of regulatory action, and traders, who manage to stave off the increased scrutiny that income tax law presupposes, while asserting their concern for the integrity and consistency of the law. 相似文献
828.
Mónica García Goldar 《International Journal of the Legal Profession》2020,27(2):189-202
ABSTRACT In Spain, the number of female judges at the highest levels of the judiciary is very low, despite the approval of two Strategic Plans for Equality in the Judicial Career (2013 and 2020). This situation does not seem to differ from other European countries, according to the data offered by CEPEJ (2018). It is clear that the end of tokenism has not yet arrived, and for that reason, an analysis of the main probable causes for this glass ceiling is carried out in this paper. A greater effort must be made in order to overcome this situation and achieve a better representation of female judges at the highest levels of the judiciary system. 相似文献
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AbstractThe article assesses the empirical validity of Okun's law on the relationship between a country's unemployment and its output with a focus upon the Visegrád Group economies and upon the post-transition period from the first quarter of 2000 until the first quarter of 2016. The study also accounts for cyclical fluctuations in male and female unemployment and applies different approaches to the estimation of Okun coefficients. Fixed long-run Okun coefficients are compared to the trajectories identified under the state space approach based on the Kalman filter in an attempt to capture their possible time non-constancy. The findings cast doubt about the universal validity of Okun's law in the Visegrád countries in the investigated period. 相似文献