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901.
Gérard Chaliand 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(1):21-27
This article reviews the development of security policy in Northern Ireland since the outbreak of the current ‘troubles’ in 1969. Following an examination of the three principal categories of actor directly involved on the state side ‐ politicians, civil servants and security agency personnel ‐ the problems accompanying the fust phase of security policy, from 1969 to the mid‐1970s, are discussed. Particular attention is paid to intelligence aspects of the situation. The second part of the paper is devoted to security policy as it has developed since the government's policy review of 1975–76. The re‐emergence of the Royal Ulster Constabulary as the primary security agency is described, together with what is called the ‘Hermonization’ of the force in the 1980s. The development of the police under Sir John Hermon (Chief Constable 1980–89) has reflected three main trends in security policy: Ulsterization, professionalization, and the de‐politicization of the force. The article ends with a consideration of the problems of the co‐ordination and accountability of the security forces, and notes that any purely security strategy in the province is doomed to failure. 相似文献
902.
Heléne Lööw 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(1):119-161
Since World War II, Swedish national socialists and right wing extremists have been divided into two main factions: nationalists, who are parliamentarian, non‐racist but ethnocentric, non‐revolutionary; and race ideologists, who are revolutionary, racist and internationally oriented. During the 1980s a new generation took over, and activities increased. The militant racist subculture, consisting of small independent networks, exists within a long tradition of organised racism or extreme nationalism in Sweden. The organised activists of small militant race‐ideologist sects can be described as the most extreme form of the organised hostility towards refugees and migrants, while the unorganised perpetrators of attacks against refugee hostels can be regarded as the extreme expression of an established mentality in the local community. The organised and unorganised exist in a symbiosis. The perpetrators of violence are in most cases to be found at the intersection between the subculture of ‘white power’ and the general hostility towards refugees in the community. 相似文献
903.
Qiu Yuanping 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2011,21(5):1-7
Asia’s rise has caused waves in terms of both geopolitics and the global economy in the 21st Century. Its rise is also poised to heavily influence future global growth. Many scholars are talking about the eastwards migration of global power and debating who will emerge as a leading power in Asia. While the rise has caused rifts in regional cooperation mechanisms it has also created many channels for Asia’s development path. How should we look at Asia’s rise? How can we ride these changes and how can we create a win-win situation for all Asian countries? How do we ensure that Asia has a bright future? These questions merit the careful attention of academics in political and economic fields in China, Asia and the rest of the world. 相似文献
904.
Lin Limin 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2011,21(5):86-100
The strategic legacy of 9/11 will outlive the Korean and Vietnam Wars and the two Gulf Wars because they triggered only quantitative rather than qualitative transformations in the international strategic landscape. The 9/11 disaster sparked the Afghan and Iraq Wars and the global war on terror, which as yet have no end in sight. It has already led to a qualitative overhaul in the world strategic order, affecting the international power balance and perspectives on international relations so much that even the unfolding upheaval in West Asia and the North Africa known as the Arab Spring seems minor by 相似文献
905.
Annelie M E Naudé 《Communicatio》2013,39(1-2):58-64
ABSTRACT Weare living in a world where the availability of information can make you, or the lack of it can break you. The 'information explosion', as it is sometimes called, has already changed our lives. How this affects us, and changes our environment, our economy and our lives is a fascinating issue. But does it affect everyone? Is there a possibility that some communities can be left in the dark without the availability of these masses of information? In South Africa some major changes are taking place at the moment. It could be argued that while South Africa tries to erase the remains of apartheid and rebuild the country, the rest of the world has 'quietly' moved into the information age. A development problem in South Africa concerns the disparities among the different communities. There is still a significant difference between the information-rich, a small minority, and the information-poor, the majority of the population. This article first describes the situation in South Africa with regard to Internet availability and accessibility and secondly gives a broad overview of the theoretical assumptions underlying computer-mediated communication from a communication sciences perspective. In conclusion, specific questions on the topic for future research in communication sciences are proposed in general and applied to conditions in South Africa as a developing country. 相似文献
906.
Stéphane Leman-Langlois 《Critical Criminology》2018,26(4):545-561
Periodic revelations about the workings of data interception, analysis and collection in Canada have each time prompted successive administrations to amend laws and regulations in order to calm public opinion. This has been referred to as “accountability through scandal” and has, for the most part, produced cosmetic changes rather than significant reform. Most of the practices and the ethos of the organizations have remained the same, setting the stage for the next scandal. This paper reviews the last scandal to befall the Canadian Security Establishment, caused by the Snowden revelations, and the subsequent political response. Approached with part of Foucault’s toolbox it becomes clear that the business of the state and state security requires a particular form of “management of illegalisms,” or differential treatment of rule-breaking, at the higher echelons of state power. 相似文献
907.
908.
Jeremy Peña 《Peace Review》2018,30(1):112-114
909.
A. Jiménez-Madrid S. Gómez G. Gémar C. Martínez 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2018,18(5):723-742
This paper describes the gross domestic product and hydrological environment service method for assessing the socio-economic consequences of implementing necessary measures for safeguarding the quality of groundwater for human consumption and eliminating the risk of pollution. This method assesses the positive and negative impacts of designations of protected areas. Economic assets and social goods are the two integrated variables used in analysing the method. The first includes economic impacts on the local gross domestic product of defining protected areas, and the second considers the benefits of this designation in the conservation of water resources, assigning a monetary value to the preserved resources. In addition, tools have been incorporated, such as payment for hydrological services and generation of permissible activities, which reduce negative social impacts through positive economic impacts. These tools can only be used when compliance with conservation requirements for protected areas is demonstrated. The conclusions of this study include an application of the proposed methodology and provide essential and specific assessments that show that this methodology fulfils the requirements of the European Water Framework Directive requirements and that it is an effective tool in the implementation and development of strategies for hydrological planning processes. 相似文献
910.